MONAS

The National Monument (Indonesian: Monumen Nasional (Monas)) is a 422 ft (128.7 m) tower in Central Jakarta, symbolizing the fight for Indonesia's independence. Construction began in 1961 under the direction of President Sukarno and the monument was opened to the public in 1975. It is topped by a flame covered with gold foil.
Contents
[hide]

* 1 Background
* 2 Construction
* 3 Monument design
* 4 Gallery
* 5 References
* 6 Notes

[edit] Background

After the Indonesian government returned to Jakarta from Yogyakarta in 1950 following the Dutch recognition of Indonesian independence, President Sukarno began to contemplate the construction of a national monument comparable to the Eiffel Tower on the square in front of the presidential palace. On 17 August 1954, a National Monument Committee was established and a design competition was held in 1955. This attracted 51 entries, but only one design, by Frederich Silaban, met any of the criteria determined by the committee, which included reflecting the character of Indonesia in a building capable of lasting for centuries. A repeat competition was held in 1960, but once again, none of the 136 entries met the criteria. The chairman of the jury team then asked Silaban to show his design to Sukarno. However, Sukarno did not like the design as he wanted the monument to be in the form of a linga and yoni. Silaban was asked to design such a monument, but his design was so for a monument so large that it would have been unaffordable given the economic conditions at the time. Silaban refused to design a smaller monument, suggesting that construction be delayed until the Indonesian economy improved. Sukarno then asked the architect R.M. Soedarsono to continue with the design. Soedarsono incorporated the numbers 17, 8 and 45, representing the 17 August 1945 Proclamation of Indonesian Independence, in the dimensions of the monument.[1][2][3]
[edit] Construction

Construction proceeded in three stages. The first period, from 1961/1962 - 1964/1965 began with the official start of construction on 17 August 1961 with Sukarno ceremonially driving in the first concrete pile. A total of 284 piles were used for the foundation block. A further 360 piles were driven in for the museum foundations, with work being completed in March 1962. The walls of the museum in the base were completed by October. Construction of the obelisk than commenced and was finished in August 1963. Work in the second stage, from 1966 to 1968 was delayed by shortages of funding and the aftermath of the 30 September Movement coup attempt. In the final phase, from 1969-1976, the dioramas for the historical museum were added. Problems remained once construction was complete, and work was needed to solve problems with water leaking into the museum. The monument was officially opened to the public on 12 July 1975.[4][5] The location of the construction site was formerly known as Merdeka Square.
[edit] Monument design
"Monas" and the Jakarta skyline

The monument consists of a 117.7m obelisk on a 45m square platform at a height of 17m, the goblet yard. The obelisk itself is clad with Italian marble. A lift inside carries visitors to the 11m by 11m viewing platform, at a height of 115m. There is also a staircase for use in emergencies. It is topped by a 14.5 ton bronze Flame of Independence containing the lift engine, which is covered with 35kg[1] or 50kg[6] of gold foil. The obelisk and flame symbolize the Indonesia people's struggle for independence. Inside the base is the historical museum, a marble-lined room with 48 dioramas depicting scenes from Indonesian history from prehistory until the New Order (Indonesia), and the Independence Room (Indonesian: Ruang Kemerdekaan), which contains symbols of Indonesian independence, including the Declaration of Independence in a glass case, and the Indonesia coat of arms.[1][7]

A pond measuring 25 by 25m was designed to cool water for the air conditioning system in the monument as well as to enhance the beauty of the surrounding area. To the north of the monument, there is a statue of Indonesia national hero Prince Diponegoro by Italian sculptor Cobertaldo.

Suku Betawi

Suku Betawi berasal dari hasil kawin-mawin antaretnis dan bangsa di masa lalu. Secara biologis, mereka yang mengaku sebagai orang Betawi adalah keturunan kaum berdarah campuran aneka suku dan bangsa yang didatangkan oleh Belanda ke Batavia. Apa yang disebut dengan orang atau suku Betawi sebenarnya terhitung pendatang baru di Jakarta. Kelompok etnis ini lahir dari perpaduan berbagai kelompok etnis lain yang sudah lebih dulu hidup di Jakarta, seperti orang Sunda, Jawa, Arab, Bali, Sumbawa, Ambon, Melayu dan Tionghoa.
Daftar isi
[sembunyikan]

* 1 Istilah Betawi
* 2 Sejarah
o 2.1 Suku Betawi
o 2.2 Setelah kemerdekaan
* 3 Bahasa
* 4 Seni dan kebudayaan
* 5 Kepercayaan
* 6 Profesi
* 7 Perilaku dan sifat
* 8 Tokoh Betawi
* 9 Catatan kaki
* 10 Referensi

[sunting] Istilah Betawi

Kata Betawi digunakan untuk menyatakan suku asli yang menghuni Jakarta dan bahasa Melayu Kreol yang digunakannya, dan juga kebudayaan Melayunya. Kata Betawi sebenarnya berasal dari kata "Batavia," yaitu nama kuno Jakarta yang diberikan oleh Belanda.
[sunting] Sejarah

Diawali oleh orang Sunda (mayoritas), sebelum abad ke-16 dan masuk ke dalam Kerajaan Tarumanegara serta kemudian Pakuan Pajajaran. Selain orang Sunda, terdapat pula pedagang dan pelaut asing dari pesisir utara Jawa, dari berbagai pulau Indonesia Timur, dari Malaka di semenanjung Malaya, bahkan dari Tiongkok serta Gujarat di India.

Antropolog Universitas Indonesia, Dr. Yasmine Zaki Shahab, MA memperkirakan, etnis Betawi baru terbentuk sekitar seabad lalu, antara tahun 1815-1893. Perkiraan ini didasarkan atas studi sejarah demografi penduduk Jakarta yang dirintis sejarawan Australia, Lance Castle. Di zaman kolonial Belanda, pemerintah selalu melakukan sensus, yang dibuat berdasarkan bangsa atau golongan etnisnya. Dalam data sensus penduduk Jakarta tahun 1615 dan 1815, terdapat penduduk dari berbagai golongan etnis, tetapi tidak ada catatan mengenai golongan etnis Betawi.

Rumah Bugis di bagian utara Jl. Mangga Dua di daerah kampung Bugis yang dimulai pada tahun 1690. Pada awal abad ke 20 ini masih terdapat beberapa rumah seperti ini di daerah Kota. Hasil sensus tahun 1893 menunjukkan hilangnya sejumlah golongan etnis yang sebelumnya ada. Misalnya saja orang Arab dan Moor, orang Jawa dan Sunda, orang Sulawesi Selatan, orang Sumbawa, orang Ambon dan Banda, dan orang Melayu.
[sunting] Suku Betawi

Pada tahun 1930, kategori orang Betawi yang sebelumnya tidak pernah ada justru muncul sebagai kategori baru dalam data sensus tahun tersebut. Jumlah orang Betawi sebanyak 778.953 jiwa dan menjadi mayoritas penduduk Batavia waktu itu.

Antropolog Universitas Indonesia lainnya, Prof Dr Parsudi Suparlan menyatakan, kesadaran sebagai orang Betawi pada awal pembentukan kelompok etnis itu juga belum mengakar. Dalam pergaulan sehari-hari, mereka lebih sering menyebut diri berdasarkan lokalitas tempat tinggal mereka, seperti orang Kemayoran, orang Senen, atau orang Rawabelong.

Pengakuan terhadap adanya orang Betawi sebagai sebuah kelompok etnis dan sebagai satuan sosial dan politik dalam lingkup yang lebih luas, yakni Hindia Belanda, baru muncul pada tahun 1923, saat Husni Thamrin, tokoh masyarakat Betawi mendirikan Perkoempoelan Kaoem Betawi. Baru pada waktu itu pula segenap orang Betawi sadar mereka merupakan sebuah golongan, yakni golongan orang Betawi.

Ada juga yang berpendapat bahwa orang Betawi tidak hanya mencakup masyarakat campuran dalam benteng Batavia yang dibangun oleh Belanda tapi juga mencakup penduduk di luar benteng tersebut yang disebut masyarakat proto Betawi. Penduduk lokal di luar benteng Batavia tersebut sudah menggunakan bahasa Melayu, yang umum digunakan di Sumatera, yang kemudian dijadikan sebagai bahasa nasional. Hal ini terjadi karena pada abad ke-6, kerajaan Sriwijaya menyerang pusat kerajaan Tarumanagara yang terletak di bagian utara Jakarta sehingga pengaruh bahasa Melayu sangat kuat disini.

Selain itu, perjanjian antara Surawisesa (raja Kerajaan Sunda) dengan bangsa Portugis pada tahun 1512 yang membolehkan Portugis untuk membangun suatu komunitas di Sunda Kalapa mengakibatkan perkawinan campuran antara penduduk lokal dengan bangsa Portugis yang menurunkan darah campuran Portugis. Dari komunitas ini lahir musik keroncong.
[sunting] Setelah kemerdekaan

Sejak akhir abad yang lalu dan khususnya setelah kemerdekaan (1945), Jakarta dibanjiri imigran dari seluruh Indonesia, sehingga orang Betawi — dalam arti apapun juga — tinggal sebagai minoritas. Pada tahun 1961, 'suku' Betawi mencakup kurang lebih 22,9 persen dari antara 2,9 juta penduduk Jakarta pada waktu itu. Mereka semakin terdesak ke pinggiran, bahkan ramai-ramai digusur dan tergusur ke luar Jakarta. Walaupun sebetulnya, ’suku’ Betawi tidaklah pernah tergusur atau digusur dari Jakarta, karena proses asimilasi dari berbagai suku yang ada di Indonesia hingga kini terus berlangsung dan melalui proses panjang itu pulalah ’suku’ Betawi hadir di bumi Nusantara.
[sunting] Bahasa

Sifat campur-aduk dalam dialek Betawi adalah cerminan dari kebudayaan Betawi secara umum, yang merupakan hasil perkawinan berbagai macam kebudayaan, baik yang berasal dari daerah-daerah lain di Nusantara maupun kebudayaan asing.

Ada juga yang berpendapat bahwa suku bangsa yang mendiami daerah sekitar Batavia juga dikelompokkan sebagai suku Betawi awal (proto Betawi). Menurut sejarah, Kerajaan Tarumanagara, yang berpusat di Sundapura atau Sunda Kalapa, pernah diserang dan ditaklukkan oleh kerajaan Sriwijaya dari Sumatera. Oleh karena itu, tidak heran kalau etnis Sunda di pelabuhan Sunda Kalapa, jauh sebelum Sumpah Pemuda, sudah menggunakan bahasa Melayu, yang umum digunakan di Sumatera, yang kemudian dijadikan sebagai bahasa nasional.

Karena perbedaan bahasa yang digunakan tersebut maka pada awal abad ke-20, Belanda menganggap orang yang tinggal di sekitar Batavia sebagai etnis yang berbeda dengan etnis Sunda dan menyebutnya sebagai etnis Betawi (kata turunan dari Batavia). Walau demikian, masih banyak nama daerah dan nama sungai yang masih tetap dipertahankan dalam bahasa Sunda seperti kata Ancol, Pancoran, Cilandak, Ciliwung, Cideng (yang berasal dari Cihideung dan kemudian berubah menjadi Cideung dan tearkhir menjadi Cideng), dan lain-lain yang masih sesuai dengan penamaan yang digambarkan dalam naskah kuno Bujangga Manik[1] yang saat ini disimpan di perpustakaan Bodleian, Oxford, Inggris.

Meskipun bahasa formal yang digunakan di Jakarta adalah Bahasa Indonesia, bahasa informal atau bahasa percakapan sehari-hari adalah Bahasa Indonesia dialek Betawi.
[sunting] Seni dan kebudayaan

Dalam bidang kesenian, misalnya, orang Betawi memiliki seni Gambang Kromong yang berasal dari seni musik Tionghoa, tetapi juga ada Rebana yang berakar pada tradisi musik Arab, Keroncong Tugu dengan latar belakang Portugis-Arab,dan Tanjidor yang berlatarbelakang ke-Belanda-an. Saat ini Suku Betawi terkenal dengan seni Lenong, Gambang Kromong, Rebana Tanjidor dan Keroncong.

Sifat campur-aduk dalam dialek Betawi adalah cerminan dari kebudayaan Betawi secara umum, yang merupakan hasil perkawinan berbagai macam kebudayaan, baik yang berasal dari daerah-daerah lain di Nusantara maupun kebudayaan asing. Dalam bidang kesenian, misalnya, orang Betawi memiliki seni Gambang Kromong yang berasal dari seni musik Tiongkok, tetapi juga ada Rebana yang berakar pada tradisi musik Arab, Keroncong Tugu dengan latar belakang Portugis-Arab,dan Tanjidor yang berlatarbelakang ke-Belanda-an.

Secara biologis, mereka yang mengaku sebagai orang Betawi adalah keturunan kaum berdarah campuran aneka suku dan bangsa. Mereka adalah hasil kawin-mawin antaretnis dan bangsa di masa lalu.
[sunting] Kepercayaan

Orang Betawi sebagian besar menganut agama Islam, tetapi yang menganut agama Kristen; Protestan dan Katholik juga ada namun hanya sedikit sekali. Di antara suku Betawi yang beragama Kristen, ada yang menyatakan bahwa mereka adalah keturunan campuran antara penduduk lokal dengan bangsa Portugis. Hal ini wajar karena pada awal abad ke-16, Surawisesa, raja Sunda mengadakan perjanjian dengan Portugis yang membolehkan Portugis membangun benteng dan gudang di pelabuhan Sunda Kalapa sehingga terbentuk komunitas Portugis di Sunda Kalapa. Komunitas Portugis ini sekarang masih ada dan menetap di daerah Kampung Tugu, Jakarta Utara.
[sunting] Profesi

Di Jakarta, orang Betawi sebelum era pembangunan orde baru, terbagi atas beberapa profesi menurut lingkup wilayah (kampung) mereka masing-masing. Semisal di kampung Kemanggisan dan sekitaran Rawabelong banyak dijumpai para petani kembang (anggrek, kemboja jepang, dan lain-lain). Dan secara umum banyak menjadi guru, pengajar, dan pendidik semisal K.H. Djunaedi, K.H. Suit, dll. Profesi pedagang, pembatik juga banyak dilakoni oleh kaum betawi. Petani dan pekebun juga umum dilakoni oleh warga Kemanggisan.

Kampung yang sekarang lebih dikenal dengan Kuningan adalah tempat para peternak sapi perah. Kampung Kemandoran di mana tanah tidak sesubur Kemanggisan. Mandor, bek, jagoan silat banyak di jumpai disana semisal Ji'ih teman seperjuangan Pitung dari Rawabelong. Di kampung Paseban banyak warga adalah kaum pekerja kantoran sejak zaman Belanda dulu, meski kemampuan pencak silat mereka juga tidak diragukan. Guru, pengajar, ustadz, dan profesi pedagang eceran juga kerap dilakoni.

Warga Tebet aslinya adalah orang-orang Betawi gusuran Senayan, karena saat itu Ganefonya Bung Karno menyebabkan warga Betawi eksodus ke Tebet dan sekitarnya untuk "terpaksa" memuluskan pembuatan kompleks olahraga Gelora Bung Karno yang kita kenal sekarang ini. Karena asal-muasal bentukan etnis mereka adalah multikultur (orang Nusantara, Tionghoa, India, Arab, Belanda, Portugis, dan lain-lain), profesi masing-masing kaum disesuaikan pada cara pandang bentukan etnis dan bauran etnis dasar masing-masing.
[sunting] Perilaku dan sifat

Asumsi kebanyakan orang tentang masyarakat Betawi ini jarang yang berhasil, baik dalam segi ekonomi, pendidikan, dan teknologi. Padahal tidak sedikit orang Betawi yang berhasil. Beberapa dari mereka adalah Muhammad Husni Thamrin, Benyamin Sueb, dan Fauzi Bowo yang menjadi Gubernur Jakarta saat ini .

Ada beberapa hal yang positif dari Betawi antara lain Jiwa sosial mereka sangat tinggi, walaupun terkadang dalam beberapa hal terlalu berlebih dan cenderung tendensius. orang betawi juga sangat menjaga nilai-nilai agama yang tercermin dari ajaran orangtua (terutama yang beragama islam), kepada anak-anaknya. Masyarakat betawi sangat menghargai pluralisme. hal ini terlihat dengan hubungan yang baik antara masyarakat betawi dan pendatang dari luar Jakarta.

Orang betawi sangat menghormati budaya yang mereka warisi. terbukti dari perilaku kebanyakan warga yang mesih memainkan lakon atau kebudayaan yang diwariskan dari masa ke masa seperti lenong, ondel-ondel, gambang kromong, dan lain-lain.

Memang tidak bisa dipungkiri bahwa keberadaan sebagian besar masyarakat betawi masa kini agak terpinggirkan oleh modernisasi di lahan lahirnya sendiri (baca : Jakarta). namun tetap ada optimisme dari masyarakat betawi generasi mendatang yang justreu akan menopang modernisasi tersebut.
[sunting] Tokoh Betawi
Benyamin Sueb, seniman Betawi legendaris.

* Muhammad Husni Thamrin - pahlawan nasional
* Ismail Marzuki - pahlawan nasional, seniman
* Ridwan Saidi - budayawan, politisi
* Bokir - seniman lenong
* Nasir - seniman lenong
* Benyamin Sueb - artis
* Nazar Ali - artis
* Mandra - artis
* Omaswati - artis
* Mastur - artis
* Mat Solar - artis
* Fauzi Bowo - pejabat pemerintahan
* K.H. Noerali - pahlawan nasional, ulama
* SM Ardan - sastrawan
* Mahbub Djunaidi - sastrawan
* Firman Muntaco - sastrawan

UUD 1945 Perubahan I & IV

PERUBAHAN PERTAMA - KEEMPAT UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR
NEGARA REPUBLIK INDONESIA TAHUN 1945

PERUBAHAN PERTAMA UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR
NEGARA REPUBLIK INDONESIA TAHUN 1945

DENGAN RAHMAT TUHAN YANG MAHA ESA
MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT
REPUBLIK INDONESIA

Setelah mempelajari, melaah, dan mempertimbangkan dengan saksama dan sungguhsungguh hal-hal yang bersifat mendasar yang dihadapi oleh rakyat, bangsa dan negara, serta dengan menggunakan kewenangannya berdasarkan Pasal 37 Undang-Undang Dasar
Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia mengubah Pasal 5 Ayat (1), Pasal 7, Pasal 9, Pasal 13 Ayat (2), Pasal 14, Pasal 15, Pasal 17 Ayat (2) dan (3), Pasal 20 dan Pasal 21 Undang-undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 sehingga selengkapnya menjadi berbunyi sebagai
berikut:

Pasal 5
(1) Presiden berhak mengajukan rancangan undang-undang kepada Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.

Pasal 7
Presiden dan Wakil Presiden memegang jabatan selama lima tahun, dan sesudahnya dapat dipilih kembali dalam jabatan yang sama, hanya untuk satu kali masa jabatan.

Pasal 9
(1) Sebelum memangku jabatannya, Presiden dan Wakil Presiden bersumpah menurut agama, atau berjanji dengan sungguh-sungguh di hadapan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat atau Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat sebagai berikut:

Sumpah Presiden (Wakil Presiden):
"Demi Allah, saya bersumpah akan memenuhi kewajiban Presiden Republik Indonesia (Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia) dengan sebaik-baiknya dan seadiladilnya, memegang teguh Undang-undang Dasar dan menjalankan segala undang-undang dan peraturannya dengan selurus-lurusnya serta berbakti kepada Nusa dan Bangsa".

Janji Presiden (Wakil Presiden):
"Saya berjanji dengan sungguh-sungguh akan memenuhi kewajiban Presiden Republik Indonesia (Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia) dengan sebaik-baiknya dan seadil-adilnya, memegang teguh Undang-undang Dasar dan menjalankan segala undang-undang dan peraturannya dengan selurus-lurusnya serta berbakti kepada Nusa dan Bangsa".
(2) Jika Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat atau Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat tidak dapat mengadakan sidang, Presiden dan Wakil Presiden bersumpah di hadapan Pimpinan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat dengan disaksikan oleh Pimpinan Mahkamah Agung.

Pasal 13
(2) Dalam hal mengangkat duta, Presiden memperhatikan pertimbangan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.

(3) Presiden menerima penempatan duta negara lain dengan memperhatikan pertimbangan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.

Pasal 14
(1) Presiden memberi grasi dan rahabilitasi dengan memperhatikan pertimbangan Mahkamah Agung.

(2) Presiden memberi amnesti dan abolisi dengan memperhatikan pertimbangan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.

Pasal 15
Presiden memberi gelar, tanda jasa, dan lain-lain tanda kehormatan yang diatur dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 17
(2) Menteri-menteri itu diangkat dan diberhentikan oleh Presiden.
(3) Setiap menteri membidangi urusan tertentu dan pemerintahan.

Pasal 20
(1) Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat memegang kekuasaan membentuk undang-undang.
(2) Setiap rancangan undang-undang dibahas oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dan Presiden untuk mendapat persetujuan bersama.
(3) Jika rancangan undang-undang itu tidak mendapat persetujuan bersama, rancangan undang-undang itu tidak boleh diajukan lagi dalam persidangan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat masa itu.
(4) Presiden mengesahkan rancangan undang-undang yang telah disetujui bersama untuk menjadi undang-undang.

Pasal 21
Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat berhak mengajukan usul rancangan undangundang. Naskah perubahan ini merupakan bagian tak terpisahkan dari naskah Undangundang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Perubahan tersebut diputuskan dalam Rapat Paripurna Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia ke 12
tanggal 19 Oktober 1999 Sidang Umum Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia, dan mulai berlaku pada tanggal ditetapkan.

Ditetapkan di Jakarta
pada tanggal 19 Oktober 1999.
MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT
REPUBLIK INDONESIA
KETUA
ttd.
Prof. Dr. H.M. Amien Rais, M.A.

PERUBAHAN KEDUA UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR NEGARA
REPUBLIK INDONESIA TAHUN 1945

DENGAN RAHMAT TUHAN YANG MAHA ESA
MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT
REPUBLIK INDONESIA

Setelah mempelajari, menelaah, dan mempertimbangkan dengan saksama dan sungguhsungguh hal-hal yang bersifat mendasar yang dihadapi oleh rakyat, bangsa, dan negara, serta dengan menggunakan kewenangannya berdasarkan Pasal 37 Undang-Undang Dasar Negara
Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia mengubah dan/atau menambah Pasal 18, Pasal 18A, Pasal 18B, Pasal 19, Pasal 20 Ayat (5), Pasal 20A, Pasal 22A, Pasal 22B, Bab IXA, pasal 25E, Bab X, pasal 26 Ayat (2) dan Ayat (3), Pasal 27 Ayat (3), Bab XA, pasal 28A, Pasal 28B, Pasal 28C, Pasal 28D, Pasal 28E, Pasal 28F, Pasal 28G, pasal 28H, Pasal 28I, Pasal 28J, Bab XII, Pasal 30, Bab XV, Pasal 36A, Pasal 36B, dan Pasal 36C Undang-
Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 sehingga selengkapnya berbunyi sebagai berikut:

Pasal 18
(1) Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia dibagi atas daerah-daerah provinsi dan daerah provinsi itu dibagi atas kabupaten dan kota, yang tiap-tiap provinsi, kabupaten, dan kota mempunyai pemerintah daerah, yang diatur dengan undang-undang.
(2) Pemerintah daerah provinsi, daerah kabupaten, dan kota mengatur dan mengurus sendiri urusan pemerintahan menurut asas otonomi dan tugas pembantuan.
(3) Pemerintahan daerah provinsi, daerah kabupaten, dan kota memiliki Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah yang anggota-anggotanya dipilih melalui pemilihan umum.
(4) Gubernur, Bupati, dan Walikota masing-masing sebagai kepala pemerintah daerah provinsi, kabupaten, dan kota dipilih secara demokratis.
(5) Pemerintah daerah menjalankan otonomi seluas-luasnya, kecuali urusan pemerintahan yang
oleh undang-undang ditentukan sebagai urusan Pemerintah Pusat.
(6) Pemerintah daerah berhak menetapkan peraturan daerah dan peraturan-peraturan lain untuk
melaksanakan otonomi dan tugas pembantuan.
(7) Susunan dan tata cara penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah diatur dalam undang-undang.

Pasal 18A
(1) Hubungan wewenang antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah provinsi, kabupaten, dan kota atau antara provinsi dan kabupaten dan kota, diatur dengan undang-undang dengan
memperhatikan kekhususan dan keragaman daerah.
(2) Hubungan keuangan, pelayanan umum, pemanfaatan sumber daya alam dan sumber daya lainnya antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintahan daerah diatur dan dilaksanakan secara adil
dan selaras berdasarkan undang-undang.

Pasal 18B
(1) Negara mengakui dan menghormati satuan-satuan pemerintahan daerah yang bersifat khusus atau bersifat istimewa yang diatur dengan undang-undang.
(2) Negara mengakui dan menghormati kesatuan-kesatuan masyarakat hukum adat beserta hakhak tradisionalnya sepanjang masih hidup dan sesuai dengan perkembangan masyarakat dan prinsip Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, yang diatur dalam undang-undang.

Pasal 19
(1) Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dipilih melalui pemilihan umum.
(2) Susunan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat diatur dengan undang-undang.
(3) Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat bersidang sedikitnya sekali dalam setahun.

Pasal 20
(5) Dalam hal rancangan undang-undang yang telah disetujui bersama tersebut tidak disahkan oleh Presiden dalam waktu tiga puluh hari semenjak rancangan undang-undang tersebut disetujui, rancangan undang-undang tersebut sah menjadi undang-undang dan wajib
diundangkan.

Pasal 20A
(1) Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat memiliki fungsi legislasi, fungsi anggaran dan fungsi pengawasan.
(2) Dalam melaksanakan fungsinya, selain hak yang diatur dalam pasal-pasal lain Undangundang Dasar ini, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat mempunyai hak interpelasi, hak angket dan hak menyatakan pendapat.
(3) Selain hak yang diatur dalam pasal-pasal lain Undang-undang Dasar ini, setiap anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat mempunyai hak mengajukan pertanyaan, menyampaikan usul dan pendapat, serta hak imunitas.
(4) Ketentuan lebih lanjut tentang hak Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dan hak anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat diatur dalam undang-undang.

Pasal 22A
Ketentuan lebih lanjut tentang tata cara pembentukan undang-undang diatur dengan undangundang.

Pasal 22 B
Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dapat diberhentikan dari jabatannya, yang syarat-syarat dan tata caranya diatur dalam undang-undang.

Bab IXA
WILAYAH NEGARA

Pasal 25E
Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia adalah sebuah kepulauan yang berciri Nusantara dengan wilayah yang batas-batas dan hak-haknya ditetapkan dengan undang-undang.

Bab X
WARGA NEGARA DAN PENDUDUK

Pasal 26
(2) Penduduk ialah warga negara Indonesia dan orang asing yang bertempat tinggal di Indonesia.
(3) Hal-hal mengenai warga negara dan penduduk diatur dengan undang-undang.

Bab XA
HAK ASASI MANUSIA

Pasal 28A
Setiap orang berhak untuk hidup serta berhak mempertahankan hidup dan kehidupannya.

Pasal 28B
(1) Setiap orang berhak membentuk keluarga dan melanjutkan keturunan melalui perkawinan yang sah
(2) Setiap anak berhak atas kelangsungan hidup, tumbuh, dan berkembang serta berhak atas perlindungan dari kekerasan dan diskriminasi.

Pasal 28C
(1) Setiap orang berhak mengembangkan diri melalui pemenuhan kebutuhan dasarnya, berhak mendapat pendidikan dan memperoleh manfaat dari ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi, seni dan budaya, demi meningkatkan kualitas hidupnya dan demi kesejahteraan umat manusia.
(2) Setiap orang berhak untuk memajukan dirinya dengan memperjuangkan haknya secara kolektif untuk membangun masyarakat, bangsa dan negaranya.

Pasal 28D
(1) Setiap orang berhak atas pengakuan, jaminan, perlindungan, dan kepastian hukum yang adil serta perlakuan yang sama di hadapan hukum.
(2) Setiap orang berhak untuk bekerja serta mendapat imbalan dan perlakuan yang adil dan layak dalam hubungan kerja.
(3) Setiap warga negara berhak memperoleh kesempatan yang sama dalam pemerintahan.
(4) Setiap orang berhak atas status kewarganegaraannya.

Pasal 28E
(1) Setiap orang bebas memeluk agama dan beribadat menurut agamanya, memilih pendidikan dan pengajaran, memilih pekerjaan, memilih kewarganegaraan, memilih tempat tinggal di wilayah negara dan meninggalkannya, serta berhak kembali.
(2) Setiap orang berhak atas kebebasan meyakini kepercayaan, menyatakan pikiran dan sikap, sesuai dengan hati nuraninya.
(3) Setiap orang berhak atas kebebasan berserikat, berkumpul, dan mengeluarkan pendapat.

Pasal 28F
Setiap orang berhak untuk berkomunikasi dan memperoleh informasi untuk mengembangkan pribadi dan lingkungan sosialnya, serta berhak untuk mencari, memperoleh, memiliki, menyimpan, mengolah, dan menyampaikan informasi dengan menggunakan segala jenis saluran yang tersedia.

Pasal 28G
(1) Setiap orang berhak atas perlindungan diri pribadi, keluarga, kehormatan, martabat, dan harta benda yang di bawah kekuasaannya, serta berhak atas rasa aman dan perlindungan dari ancaman ketakutan untuk berbuat atau tidak berbuat sesuatu yang merupakan hak asasi.
(2) Setiap orang berhak untuk bebas dari penyiksaan atau perlakuan yang merendahkan derajat martabat manusia dan berhak memperoleh suaka politik dari negara lain.

Pasal 28H
(1) Setiap orang berhak hidup sejahtera lahir dan batin, bertempat tinggal, dan mendapatkan lingkungan hidup yang baik dan sehat serta berhak memperoleh pelayanan kesehatan.
(2) Setiap orang berhak memperoleh kemudahan dan perlakuan khusus untuk memperoleh kesempatan dan manfaat yang sama guna mencapai persamaan dan keadilan.
(3) Setiap orang berhak atas jaminan sosial yang memungkinkan pengembangan dirinya secara utuh sebagai manusia yang bermartabat.
(4) Setiap orang berhak mempunyai hak milik pribadi dan hak milik tersebut tidak boleh diambil alih secara sewenang-wenang oleh siapa pun.

Pasal 28I
(1) Hak untuk hidup, hak untuk tidak disiksa, hak kemerdekaan pikiran dan hati nurani, hak beragama, hak untuk tidak diperbudak, hak untuk diakui sebagai pribadi di hadapan hukum, dan hak untuk tidak dituntut atas dasar hukum yang berlaku surut adalah hak asasi manusia
yang tidak dapat dikurangi dalam keadaan apa pun.
(2) Setiap orang berhak bebas dari perlakuan yang bersifat diskriminatif atas dasar apa pun dan berhak mendapatkan perlindungan terhadap perlakuan yang bersifat diskriminatif itu.
(3) Identitas budaya dan hak masyarakat tradisional dihormati selaras dengan perkembangan zaman dan peradaban.
(4) Perlindungan, pemajuan, penegakan dan pemenuhan hak asasi manusia adalah tanggung jawab negara, terutama pemerintah.
(5) Untuk menegakkan dan melindungi hak asasi manusia sesuai dengan dengan prinsip negara hukum yang demokratis, maka pelaksanaan hak asasi manusia dijamin, diatur dan dituangkan dalam peraturan perundang-undangan.

Pasal 28J
(1) Setiap orang wajib menghormati hak asasi manusia orang lain dalam tertib kehidupan bermasyarakat, berbangsa dan bernegara.
(2) Di dalam menjalankan hak dan kebebasannya, setiap orang wajib tunduk kepada pembatasan yang ditetapkan dengan undang-undang dengan maksud semata-mata untuk menjamin pengakuan serta penghormatan atas hak dan kebebasan orang lain dan untuk memenuhi
tuntutan yang adil sesuai dengan pertimbangan moral, nilai-nilai agama, keamanan, dan ketertiban umum dalam suatu masyarakat demokratis.

BAB XII
PERTAHANAN DAN KEAMANAN NEGARA

Pasal 30
(1) Tiap-tiap warga negara berhak dan wajib ikut serta dalam usaha pertahanan dan keamanan negara.
(2) Usaha pertahanan dan keamanan negara dilaksanakan melalui sistem pertahanan dan keamanan rakyat semesta oleh Tentara Nasional Indonesia dan Kepolisian Negara Republik Indonesia sebagai kekuatan utama, dan rakyat, sebagai kekuatan pendukung.
(3) Tentara Nasional Indonesia terdiri atas Angkatan Darat, Angkatan Laut, dan Angkatan Udara, sebagai alat negara bertugas mempertahankan, melindungi, dan memelihara keutuhan dan
kedaulatan negara.
(4) Kepolisian Negara Republik Indonesia sebagai sebagai alat negara yang menjaga keamanan dan ketertiban masyarakat bertugas melindungi, mengayomi, melayani masyarakat serta menegakkan hukum
(5) Susunan dan kedudukan Tentara Nasional Indonesia, Kepolisian Negara Republik Indonesia, hubungan kewenangan Tentara Nasional Indonesia dan Kepolisia n Negara Republik Indonesia di dalam menjalankan tugasnya, syarat-syarat keikutsertaan warga negara dalam usaha pertahanan dan keamanan negara dalam usaha pertahanan dan keamanan negara, serta hal-hal yang terkait dengan pertahanan dan keamanan diatur dengan undang-undang.

Bab XV.
BENDERA, BAHASA, DAN LAMBANG NEGARA,
SERTA LAGU KEBANGSAAN

Pasal 36A
Lambang Negara ialah Garuda Pancasila dengan semboyan Bhinneka Tunggal Ika.

Pasall 36B
Lagu Kebangsaan ialah Indonesia Raya

Pasal 36C
Ketentuan lebih lanjut mengenai Bendera, Bahasa, dan Lambang Negara, serta Lagu Kebangsaan diatur dengan undang-undang.

Ditetapkan di Jakarta
pada tanggal 18 Agustus 2000

PERUBAHAN KETIGA UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR
NEGARA REPUBLIK INDONESIA TAHUN 1945

DENGAN RAHMAT TUHAN YANG MAHA ESA
MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT REPUBLIK INDONESIA

Setelah mempelajari, menelaah, dan mempertimbangkan dengan saksama dan sungguh-sungguh hal-hal yang bersifat mendasar yang dihadapi oleh rakyat, bangsa, dan negara, serta dengan menggunakan kewenangannya berdasarkan Pasal 37 Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia mengubah dan/atau menambah Pasal 1 Ayat (2) dan (3); Pasal 3 Ayat (1), (3), dan (4); Pasal 6 Ayat (1), dan (2); Pasal
6A Ayat (1), (2), (3), dan (5); Pasal 7A; Pasal 7B Ayat (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), (6), dan (7); Pasal 7C; Pasal 8 Ayat (1) dan (2); Pasal 11 ayat (2) dan (3); Pasal 17 Ayat (4); Bab VIIA, Pasal 22C Ayat
(1), (2), (3), dan (4); Pasal 22D Ayat (1), (2), (3), dan (4); Bab VIIb, Pasal 22E Ayat (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), dan (6); Pasal 23 Ayat (1), (2), (3); Pasal 23A; Pasal 23C; Bab VIIIA, Pasal 23E Ayat (1), (2), (3), dan (4); Pasal 23F Ayat (1) dan (2); Pasal 23G Ayat (1) dan (2); Pasal 24 Ayat (1) dan (2); Pasal 24A Ayat (1), (2), (3), (4), dan (5); Pasal 24B Ayat (1), (2), (3), dan (4); Pasal 24C Ayat (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), dan (6) Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 sehingga selengkapnya berbunyi sebagai berikut:

Pasal 1
(2) Kedaulatan berada di tangan rakyat dan dilaksanakan menurut Undang-Undang Dasar.
(3) Negara Indonesia adalah negara hukum.

Pasal 3
(1) Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat berwenang mengubah dan menetapkan Undang-Undang Dasar.
(3) Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat melantik Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden.
(4) Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat hanya dapat memberhentikan Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden dalam masa jabatannya menurut Undang-Undang Dasar.

Pasal 6
(1) Calon Presiden dan calon Wakil Presiden harus warga negara Indonesia sejak kelahirannya dan tidak pernah menerima kewarganegaraan lain karena kehendaknya sendiri, tidak pernah
mengkhianati negara, serta mampu secara rohani dan jasmani untuk melaksanakan tugas dan kewajibannya sebagai Presiden dan Wakil Presiden.
(2) Syarat-syarat untuk menjadi Presiden dan Wakil Presiden diatur lebih lanjut dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 6A
(1) Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dipilih dalam satu pasangan secara langsung oleh rakyat.
(2) Pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden diusulkan oleh partai politik atau gabungan partai politik peserta pemilihan umum sebelum pelaksanaan pemilihan umum.
(3) Pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden yang mendapatkan suara lebih lama dari lima puluh presiden dari jumlah suara dalam pemilihan umum sebelum pelaksanaan pemilihan umum.
(5) Tata cara pelaksanaan pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden lebih lanjut diatur dalam undang-undang.

Pasal 7A
Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden dapat diberhentikan dalam masa jabatannya oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat atas usul Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, baik apabila terbukti telah melakukan pelanggaran hukum berupa pengkhianatan terhadap negara, korupsi, penyuapan, tindak pidana berat lainnya, atau perbuatan tercela maupun apabila terbukti tidak lagi memenuhi syarat sebagai Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden.

Pasal 7B
(1) Usul pemberhentian Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden dapat diajukan oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat kepada Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat hanya dengan terlebih dahulu
mengajukan permintaan kepada Mahkamah Agung untuk memeriksa, mengadili, dan memutuskan pendapat Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat bahwa Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden telah melakukan pelanggaran hukum berupa penghiatan terhadap negara, korupsi, penyuapan, tindak pidana berat lainnya, atau perbuatan tercela; dan/atau pendapat bahwa
Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden tidak lagi memenuhi syarat sebagai Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden.
(2) Pendapat Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat bahwa Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden telah melakukan pelanggaran hukum tersebut ataupun telah tidak lagi memenuhi syarat sebagai Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden adalah dalam rangka pelaksanaan fungsi pengawasan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.
(3) Pengajuan permintaan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi hanya dapat dilakukan dengan dukungan sekurang-kurangnya 2/3 dari jumlah anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat yang hadir dalam sidang paripurna yang dihadiri oleh sekurangkurangnya
2/3 dari jumlah anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.
(4) Mahkamah Konstitusi wajib memeriksa, mengadili, dan memutuskan dengan seadil-adilnya terhadap pendapat Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat tersebut paling lama sembilan puluh hari setelah permintaan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat itu diterima oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi.
(5) Apabila Mahkamah Konstitusi memutuskan bahwa Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden terbukti melakukan pelanggaran hukum berupa pengkhianatan terhadap negara, korupsi, penyuapan, tindak pidana berat lainnya, atau perbuatan tercela; dan/atau terbukti bahwa
Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat menyelenggarakan sidang paripurna untu merumuskan usul perberhentian Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden kepada
Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat.
(6) Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat wajib menyelenggarakan sidang untuk memutuskan usul Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat tersebut paling lama tiga puluh hari sejak Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat menerima usul tersebut.
(7) Keputusan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat atas usul pemberhentian Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden harus diambil dalam rapat paripurna Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat yang dihadiri oleh sekurang-kurangnya 3/4 dari jumlah anggota dan disetujui oleh sekurangkurangnya 2/3 dari jumlah anggota yang hadir, setelah Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden diberi kesempatan menyampaikan penjelasan dalam rapat paripurna Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat.

Pasal 7C
Presiden tidak dapat membekukan dan/atau membubarkan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.

Pasal 8
(1) Jika Presiden mangkat, berhenti, diberhentikan, atau tidak dapat melakukan kewajibannya dalam masa jabatannya, ia digantikan oleh Wakil Presiden sampai masa jabatannya.
(2) Dalam hal terjadi kekosongan Wakil Presiden, selambat-lambatnya dalam waktu enam puluh hari, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat menyelenggarakan sidang untuk memilih Wakil Presiden dari dua calon yang diusulkan oleh Presiden.

Pasal 11
(2). Presiden dalam membuat perjanjian internasional lainnya yang menimbulkan akibat yang luas dan mendasar bagi kehidupan rakyat yang terkait dengan beban keuangan negara, dan/atau mengharuskan perubahan atau pembentukan undang-undang harus dengan
persetujuan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.
(3) Ketentuan lebih lanjut tentang perjanjian internasional diatur dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 17
(4) Pembentukan, pengubahan, dan pembubaran kementrian negara diatur dalam undangundang

BAB VIIA
DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH

Pasal 22C
(1) Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah dipilih dari setiap provinsi melalui pemilihan umum.
(2) Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah dari setiap provinsi jumlahnya sama dan jumlah Seluruh anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah itu tidak lebih dari sepertiga jumlah anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah.
(3) Dewan Perwakilan Daerah bersidang sedikitnya sekali dalam setahun.
(4) Susunan dan kedudukan Dewan Perwakilan Daerah diatur dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 22D
(1) Dewan Perwakilan Daerah dapat mengajukan kepada Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Rancangan Undang-undang yang berkaitan dengan otonomi daerah, hubungan pusat dan daerah, pembentukan dan pemakaran serta penggabungan daerah, pengelolaan sumber daya
alam dan sumber daya ekonomi lainnya, serta yang berkaitan dengan perimbangan keuangan pusat dan daerah.
(2) Dewan Perwakilan Daerah ikut membahas Rancangan undang-undang yang berkaitan dengan otonomi daerah; hubungan pusat dan daerah; pembentukan pemekaran, dan penggabungan daerah; pengelolaan sumber daya alam dan sumber daya ekonomi lainnya,
serta perimbangan keuangan pusat dan daerah; serta memberikan pertimbangan kepada Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat atas rancangan undang-undang anggaran pendapatan dan belanja negara dan Rancangan undang-undang yang berkaitan dengan pajak, pendidikan, dan agama.
(3) Dewan Perwakilan Daerah dapat melakukan pengawasan atas pelaksanaan undang-undang mengenai: otonomi daerah, pembentukan, pemekaran dan penggabungan daerah, hubungan pusat dan daerah, pengelolaan sumber daya alam dan sumber daya ekonomi lainnya,
pelaksanaan anggaran pendapatan dan belanja negara, pajak, pendidikan, dan agama serta menyampaikan hasil pengawasannya itu kepada Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat sebagai bahan pertimbangan untuk ditindaklanjuti.
(4) Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah dapat diberhentikan dari jabatannya, yang syarat-syarat dan tata caranya diatur dalam undang-undang.

BAB VIIB
PEMILIHAN UMUM

Pasal 22E
(1) Pemilihan umum dilaksanakan secara langsung, umum, bebas, rahasia, jujur, dan adil setiap lima tahun sekali.
(2) Pemilihan umum diselenggarakan untuk memilih anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah.
(3) Peserta pemilihan umum untuk memilih anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dan anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah adalah partai politik.
(4) Peserta pemilihan umum untuk memilih anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah adalah perseorangan.
(5) Pemilihan umum diselenggarakan oleh suatu komisi pemilihan umum yang bersifat nasional, tetap dan mandiri
(6) Ketentuan lebih lanjut tentang pemilihan umum diatur dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 23
(1) Anggaran pendapatan dan belanja negara sebagai wujud dari pengelolaan keuangan negara ditetapkan setiap tahun dengan undang-undang dan dilaksanakan secara terbuka dan bertanggungjawab untuk sebesar-besarnya kemakmuran rakyat.
(2) Rancangan undang-undang anggaran pendapatan dan belanja negara diajukan oleh Presiden untuk dibahas bersama Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dengan memperhatikan pertimbangan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah.
(3) Apabila Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat tidak menyetujui Rancangan anggaran pendapatan dan belanja negara yang diusulkan oleh Presiden, Pemerintah menjalankan Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara tahun yang lalu.

Pasal 23A
Pajak dan pungutan lain yang bersifat memaksa untuk keperluan negara diatur dengan undangundang.

Pasal 23C
Hal-hal lain mengenai keuangan negara diatur dengan undang-undnag.

BAB VIIIA
BADAN PEMERIKSA KEUANGAN

Pasal 23E
(1) Untuk memeriksa pengelolaan dan tanggung jawab tentang keuangan negara diadakan satu badan Pemeriksa Keuangan yang bebas dan mandiri.
(2) Hasil pemeriksa keuangan negara diserahkan kepada Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah,sesuai dengan kewenangnnya.
(3) Hasil pemeriksaan tersebut ditindaklanjuti oleh lembaga perwakilan dan/atau badan sesuai dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 23F
(1) Anggota Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan dipilih oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dengan memperhatikan pertimbangan Dewan Perwakilan Daerah dan diresmikan oleh Presiden.
(2) Pimpinan Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan dipilih dari dan oleh anggota.

Pasal 23G
(1) Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan berkedudukan di Ibukota negara, dan memiliki perwakilan di setiap provinsi.
(2) Ketentuan lebih lanjut mengenai Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan diatur dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 24
(1) Kekuasaan kehakiman merupakan kekuasaan yang merdeka untuk menyelenggarakan peradilan guna menegakkan hukum dan keadilan.
(2) Kekuasaan kehakiman dilakukan oleh sebuah Mahkamah Agung dan badan peradilan yang berada di bawahnya dalam lingkungan peradilan umum, lingkungan peradilan agama, lingkungan peradilan militer, lingkungan peradilan tata usaha negara, dan oleh sebuah Mahkamah Konstitusi.

Pasal 24A
(1) Mahkamah Agung berwenang menjadi pada tingkat kasasi, menguji peraturan perundangundangan di bawah undang-undang terhadap undang-undang, dan mempunyai wewenang lainnya yang diberikan oleh undang-undang.
(2) Hakim agung harus memiliki integritas dan kepribadian yang tidak tercela, adil, professional, dan berpengalaman di bidang hukum.
(3) Calon hakim agung diusulkan Komisi Yudisial kepada Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat untuk mendapatkan persetujuan dan selanjutnya ditetapkan sebagai hakim agung oleh Presiden.
(4) Ketua dan wakil ketua Mahkamah Agung dipilih dari dan oleh hakim agung.
(5) Susunan, kedudukan, keanggotaan, dan hukum acara Mahkamah Agung serta badan peradilan dibawahnya diatur dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 24B
(1) Komisi Yudisial bersifat mandiri yang berwenang mengusulkan pengangkatan hakim agung dan mempunyai wewenang lain dalam rangka menjaga dan menegakkan kehormatan, keluhuran martabat, serta perilaku hakim.
(2) Anggota Komisi Yudisial harus mempunyai pengetahuan dan pengalaman dibidang hukum serta memiliki integritas dan kepribadian yang tidak tercela.
(3) Anggota Komisi Yudisial diangkat dan diberhentikan oleh Presiden dengan persetujuan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.
(4) Susunan, kedudukan, dan keanggotaan Komisi Yudisial diatur dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 24C
(1) Mahkamah Konstitusi berwenang mengadili pada tingkat pertama dan terakhir yang putusannya bersifat final untuk menguji undang-undang terhadap Undang-Undang Dasar, memutuskan sengketa kewenangan lembaga negara yang kewenangannya diberikan oleh
Undang-Undang Dasar, memutuskan pembubaran partai politik, dan memutuskan perselisihan tentang hasil pemilihan umum.
(2) Mahkamah Konstitusi wajib memberikan putusan atas pendapat Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat mengenai dugaan pelanggaran oleh Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden menurut Undang-Undang Dasar.
(3) Mahkamah Konstitusi mempunyai sembilan orang anggota hakim konstitusi yang ditetapkan oleh Presiden, yang diajukan masing-masing tiga orang oleh Mahkamah Agung, tiga orang oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, dan tiga orang oleh Presiden.
(4) Ketua dan Wakil Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi dipilih dari dan oleh Hakim konstitusi.
(5) Hakim konstitusi harus memiliki integritas dan kepribadian yang tidak tercela, adil, negarawan yang menguasai konstitusi dan ketatanegaraan, serta tidak merangkap sebagai pejabat negara.
(6) Pengangkatan dan pemberhentian hakim konstitusi, hukum acara serta ketentuan lainnya tentang Mahkamah Konstitusi diatur dengan undang-undang.

Naskah perubahan ini merupakan bagian tak terpisahkan dari naskah Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Perubahan tersebut diputuskan dalam Rapat Paripurna Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia ke-7 (lanjutan 2) tanggal 9 November 2001 Sidang Tahunan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia, dan mulai berlaku pada tanggal ditetapkan.

Ditetapkan di Jakarta
pada tanggal 9 November 2001

MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT REPUBLIK INDONESIA,
KETUA
Prof. Dr. H.M. AMIEN RAIS

PERUBAHAN KEEMPAT UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR
NEGARA REPUBLIK INDONESIA TAHUN 1945


DENGAN RAHMAT TUHAN YANG MAHA ESA
MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT REPUBLIK INDONESIA,

Setelah mempelajari, menelaah, dan mempertimbangkan dengan saksema dan sungguh-sungguh hal-hal yang bersifat mendasar yang dihadapi oleh rakyat, bangsa, dan negara serta dengan menggunakan kewenangannya berdasarkan Pasal 3 dan Pasal 37 Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia menetapkan:

(a) Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 sebagaimana telah diubah dengan perubahan pertama, kedua, ketiga dan perubahan keempat ini adalah Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 yang ditetapkan pada tanggal 18 Agustus 1945 dan diberlakukan kembali dengan Dekrit Presiden pada tanggal 5 Juli 1959 serta dikukuhkan secara aklamasi pada tanggal 22 Juli 1959 oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat;

(b) Penambahan bagian akhir pada Perubahan Kedua Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 dengan kalimat, "Perubahan tersebut diputuskan dalam Rapat Paripurna Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia Ke-9 tanggal 18 Agustus 2000 Sidang Tahunan Mejelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia dan mulai berlaku pada tanggal ditetapkan,";

(c) Mengubah penomeran pasal 3 ayat (3) dan ayat (4) Perubahan Ketiga Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 menjadi Pasal 3 ayat (2) dan ayat (3); Pasal 25E Perubahan Kedua Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 menajdi Pasal 25A;

(d) Penghapusan judul Bab IV tentang Dewan Pertimbangan Agund dan pengubahan substansi Pasal 16 serta penempatannya ke dalam Bab III tentang Kekuasaan Pemerintahan Negara;

(e) Pengubahan dan/atau penambahan Pasal 2 ayat (1); Pasal 6A ayat (4); Pasal 8 ayat (3); Pasal 11 ayat (1); Pasal 16; Pasal 23B; Pasal 23D; Pasal 24 ayat (3); Bab XIII, Pasal 31 ayat (1), ayat (2), ayat (3), ayat (4), dan ayat (5); Pasal 23 ayat (1) dan ayat (2); Bab XIV, Pasal 33 ayat (4) dan ayat (5); Pasal 34 ayat (1), ayat (2), ayat (3), dan ayat (4); Pasal 37 ayat (1), ayat (2), ayat (3), ayat (4), dan ayat (5); Aturan Peralihan Pasal I, II, dan III; Aturan Tambahan Pasal I dan II Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 sehingga selengkapnya berbunyi sebagai berikut:

Pasal 2
(1) Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat terdiri atas anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dan anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah yang dipilih melalui pemilihan umum dan diatur lebih lanjut dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 6A
(4). Dalam hal tidak adanya pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden terpilih, dua pasangan calon yang memperoleh suara terbanyak pertama dan kedua dalam pemilihan umum dipilih oleh rakyat secara langsung dan pasangan yang memperoleh suara rakyat terbanyak dilantik sebagai Presiden dan Wakil Presiden

Pasal 8
(3) Jika Presiden dan Wakil Presiden mangkat, berhenti, diberhentikan, atau tidak dapat melakukan kewajibannya dalam masa jabatannya secara bersamaan, pelaksana tugas kepresidenan adalah Menteri Luar Negeri, Menteri Dalam Negeri, Menteri Pertahanan secara bersama-sama. Selambat-lambatnya tiga puluh hari setelah itu, Majelis Permusyawatan Rakyat menyelenggarakan sidang untuk memilih Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dari dua pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden yang diusulkan oleh partai politik atau gabungan partai politik yang pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presidennya meraih suara terbanyak pertama dan kedua dalam pemilihan sebelumnya, sampai berakhir masa jabatannya.

Pasal 11
(1) Presiden dengan persetujuan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat menyatakan membuat perdamaian dan perjanjian dengan negara lain

Pasal 16
Presiden membentuk suatu dewan pertimbangan yang bertugas memberi nasehat dan pertimbangan kepada Presiden, yang selanjutnya diatur dalam undang-undang.

BAB IV
DEWAN PERTIMBANGAN AGUNG

Dihapus

Pasal 23B
Macam dan harga mata uang ditetapkan dengan Undang-undang

Pasal 23D
Negara memiliki suatu bank sentral yang susunan, kedudukan, kewenangan, tanggungjawab, dan independensinya diatur dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 24
(3) Badan-badang lain yang fungsinya berkaitan dengan kekuasaan kehakiman diatur dalam undang-undang.

BAB XIII
PENDIDIKAN DAN KEBUDAYAAN

Pasal 31
(1) Setiap warga negara berhak mendapat pendidikan
(2) Setiap warga negara wajib mengikuti pendidikan dasar dan pemerintah wajib membiayainya
(3) Pemerintah mengusahakan dan menyelenggarakan satu sistem pendidikan nasional, yang meningkatkan keimanan dan ketakwaan serta akhlak mulia dalam rangka mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa yang diatur dengan undang-undang.
(4) Negara memprioritaskan anggaran pendidikan sekurang-kurangnya 20% dari anggaran pendapatan dan belanja negara serta dari anggaran pendapatan dan belanja daerah untuk memenuhi kebutuhan penyelenggaraan pendidikan nasional.
(5) Pemerintah memajukan ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi dengan menjunjung tinggi nilai-nilai agama dan persatuan bangsa untuk kemajuan peradapan serta kesejahteraan umat manusia

Pasal 32
(1) Negara memajukan kebudayaan nasional Indonesia di tengah peradaban dunia dengan menjamin kebebasan masyarakat dalam memelihara dan mengembangkan nilai-nilai budayanya.
(2) Negara menghormati dan memelihara bahasa daerah sebagai kekayaan budaya nasional.

BAB XIV
PEREKONOMIAN NASIONAL DAN
KESEJAHTERAAN SOSIAL

Pasal 33
(4) Perekonomian nasional diselenggarakan berdasar atas demokrasi ekonomi dengan prinsip kebersamaan, efisiensi berkeadilan, berkelanjutan, berwawasan lingkungan, kemandirian, serta dengan menjaga keseimbangan kemajuan dan kesatuan ekonomi nasional.
(5) Ketentuan lebih lanjut mengenai pelaksanaan pasal ini diatur dalam undang-undang.

Pasal 34
(1) Fakir miskin dan anak-anak yang terlantar dipelihara oleh negara
(2) Negara mengembangkan sistem jaringan sosial bagi seluruh rakyat dan memberdayakan masyarakat yang lemah dan tidak mampu sesuai dengan martabat kemanusiaan.
(3) Negara bertanggung jawab atas penyediaan fasilitas pelayanan kesehatan dan fasilitas pelayanan umum yang layak.
(4) Ketentuan lebih lanjut mengenai pelaksanaan pasal ini diatur dalam undang-undang.

Pasal 37
(1) Usul perubahan pasal-pasal Undang-Undang Dasar dapat diagendakan dalam sidang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat apabila diajukan oleh sekurang-kurangnya 1/3 dari jumlah anggota Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat.
(2) Setiap usul perubahan pasal-pasal Undang-Undang Dasar diajukan secara tertulis dan ditunjukkan dengan jelas bagian yang diusulkan untuk diubah beserta alasannya.
(3) Untuk mengubah pasal-pasal Undang-Undang Dasar, sidang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat dihadiri oleh sekurang-kurangnya 2/3 dari jumlah anggota Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat.
(4) Putusan untuk mengubah pasal-pasal Undang-Undang Dasar dilakukan dengan persetujuan sekurang-kurangnya lima puluh persen ditambah satu anggota dari seluruh anggota Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat.
(5) Khusus mengenai bentuk Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia tidak dapat dilakukan perubahan.

ATURAN PERALIHAN

Pasal I
Segala peraturan perundang-undangan yang ada masih tetap berlaku selama belum diadakan yang baru menurut Undang-Undang Dasar ini.

Pasal II
Semua lembaga negara yang ada masih tetap berfungsi sepanjang untuk melaksanakan ketentuan Undang-Undang Dasar dan belum diadakan yang baru menurut Undang-Undang Dasar ini.

Pasal III
Mahkamah Konstitusi dibentuk selambat-lambatnya pada 17 Agustus 2003 dan sebelum dibentuk segala kewenangannya dilakukan oleh Mahkamah Agung.

ATURAN TAMBAHAN

Pasal I
Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat ditugasi untuk melakukan peninjauan terhadap materi dan status hokum Ketetapan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat untuk diambil putusan pada sidang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat tahun 2003.

Pasal II
Dengan ditetapkannya perubahan Undang-Undang Dasar ini, Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 terdiri atas Pembukaan dan pasal-pasal.

Perubahan tersebut diputuskan dalam Rapat Paripurna Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia ke-6 (lanjutan) pada tanggal 10 Agustus 2002 Sidang Tahunan
Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia, dan mulai berlaku pada tanggal ditetapkan.

Ditetapkan di Jakarta
pada tanggal 10 Agustus 2002

MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT REPUBLIK INDONESIA,
Ketua
Prof. Dr. H.M. Amien Rais

Undang-Undang Dasar 1945

UNDANG - UNDANG DASAR REPUBLIK INDONESIA 1945

Pembukaan

Bahwa sesungguhnya kemerdekaan itu ialah hak segala bangsa dan oleh sebab itu, maka penjajahan diatas dunia harus dihapuskan karena tidak sesuai dengan perikemanusiaan dan perikeadilan.

Dan perjuangan pergerakan kemerdekaan Indonesia telah sampailah kepada saat yang berbahagia dengan selamat sentosa mengantarkan rakyat Indonesia ke depan pintu gerbang kemerdekaan negara Indonesia, yang merdeka, bersatu, berdaulat, adil dan makmur.

Atas berkat rahmat Allah Yang Maha Kuasa dan dengan didorongkan oleh keinginan luhur, supaya berkehidupan kebangsaan yang bebas, maka rakyat Indonesia menyatakan dengan
inikemerdekaannya.

Kemudian daripada itu untuk membentuk suatu pemerintah negara Indonesia yang melindungi
segenap bangsa Indonesia dan seluruh tumpah darah Indonesia dan untuk memajukan kesejahteraan umum, mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa, dan ikut melaksanakan ketertiban dunia yang berdasarkan kemerdekaan, perdamaian abadi dan keadilan sosial, maka disusunlah kemerdekaan kebangsaan Indonesia itu dalam suatu Undang-Undang Dasar negara Indonesia, yang terbentuk dalam suatu susunan negara Republik Indonesia yang berkedaulatan rakyat dengan berdasar kepada : Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa, kemanusiaan yang adil dan beradab, persatuan Indonesia, dan kerakyatan yang dipimpin oleh hikmat kebijaksanaan dalam permusyawaratan/perwakilan, serta dengan mewujudkan suatu keadilan sosial bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia.

BAB I
BENTUK DAN KEDAULATAN

Pasal 1
(1) Negara Indonesia ialah negara kesatuan yang berbentuk Republik.
(2) Kedaulatan adalah di tangan rakyat, dan dilakukan sepenuhnya oleh Majelis
Permusyawaratan Rakyat.

BAB II
MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT

Pasal 2
(1) Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat terdiri atas anggota-anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat,
ditambah dengan utusan-utusan dari daerah-daerah dan golongan-golongan, menurut aturan
yang ditetapkan dengan undang-undang.
(2) Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat bersidang sedikitnya sekali dalam lima tahun di ibukota
negara.
(3) Segala putusan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat ditetapkan dengan suara yang terbanyak.

Pasal 3
Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat menetapkan Undang-Undang Dasar dan garis-garis besar dari
ada haluan negara.

BAB III
KEKUASAAN PEMERINTAH NEGARA

Pasal 4
(1) Presiden Republik Indonesia memegang kekuasaan pemerintahan menurut Undang-Undang
Dasar.
(2) Dalam melakukan kewajibannya Presiden dibantu oleh satu orang Wakil Presiden.

Pasal 5
(1) Presiden memegang kekuasaan membentuk undang- undang dengan persetujuan Dewan
Perwakilan Rakyat.
(2) Presiden menetapkan peraturan pemerintah untuk menjalankan undang-undang sebagaimana
mestinya.

Pasal 6
(1) Presiden ialah orang Indonesia asli.
(2) Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dipilih oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat dengan suara
yang terbanyak.

Pasal 7
Presiden dan Wakil Presiden memegang jabatannya selama masa lima tahun, dan sesudahnya dapat
dipilih kembali.

Pasal 8
Jika Presiden mangkat, berhenti, atau tidak dapat melakukan kewajibannya dalam masa jabatannya,
ia diganti oleh Wakil Presiden sampai habis waktunya.

Pasal 9
Sebelum memangku jabatannya, Presiden dan Wakil Presiden bersumpah menurut agama, atau berjanji dengan sungguh-sungguh di hadapan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat atau Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat sebagai berikut:
Sumpah Presiden (Wakil Presiden):
"Demi Allah, saya bersumpah akan memenuhi kewajiban Presiden Republik Indonesia (Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia) dengan sebaik-baiknya dan seadil-adilnya, memegang teguh Undang-Undang Dasar dan menjalankan segala undang-undang dan peraturannya dengan selurus-lurusnya serta berbakti kepada Nusa dan Bangsa.
"Janji Presiden (WakilPresiden):
"Sayaberjanji dengan sungguh-sungguh akan memenuhi kewajiban Presiden Republik Indonesia (Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia) dengan sebaik-baiknya dan seadil-adilnya, memegang teguh Undang-Undang Dasar dan menjalankan segala undang-undang dan peraturannya dengan seluruslurusnya serta berbakti kepada Nusa dan Bangsa."


Pasal 10
Presiden memegang kekuasaan yang tertinggi atas Angkatan Darat, Angkatan Laut, dan Angkatan Udara.

Pasal 11
Presiden dengan persetujuan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat menyatakan perang, membuat perdamaian dan perjanjian dengan negara lain.

Pasal 12
Presiden menyatakan keadaan bahaya. Syarat-syarat dan akibatnya keadaan bahaya ditetapkan
dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 13
(1) Presiden mengangkat duta dan konsul.
(2) Presiden menerima duta negara lain.

Pasal 14
Presiden memberi grasi, amnesti, abolisi, dan rehabilitasi.

Pasal 15
Presiden memberi gelaran, tanda jasa ,dan lain-lain tanda kehormatan.

BAB IV
DEWAN PERTIMBANGAN AGUNG

Pasal 16
(1) Susunan Dewan Pertimbangan Agung ditetapkan dengan undang-undang.
(2) Dewan ini berkewajiban memberi jawab atas pertanyaan Presiden dan berhak memajukan usul kepada pemerintah.

BAB V
KEMENTERIAN NEGARA

Pasal 17
(1) Presiden dibantu oleh menteri-menteri negara.
(2) Menteri-menteri itu diangkat dan diperhentikan oleh Presiden.
(3) Menteri-menteri itu memimpin departemen pemerintahan.

BAB VI
PEMERINTAHAN DAERAH

Pasal 18
Pembagian daerah Indonesia atas daerah besar dan kecil, dengan bentuk susunan pemerintahannya ditetapkan dengan undang-undang, dengan memandang dan mengingati dasar permusyawaratan
dalam sistem pemerintahan negara, dan hak-hak asal-usul dalam daerah-daerah yang bersifat istimewa.

BAB VII
DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT

Pasal 19
(1) Susunan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat ditetapkan dengan undang-undang.
(2) Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat bersidang sedikitnya sekali dalam setahun.

Pasal 20
(1) Tiap-tiap undang-undang menghendaki persetujuan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.
(2) Jika sesuatu rancangan undang-undang tidak mendapat persetujuan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, maka rancangan tadi tidak boleh dimajukan lagi dalam persidangan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat masa itu.

Pasal 21
(1) Anggota-anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat berhak memajukan rancangan undang-undang.
(2) Jika rancangan itu, meskipun disetujui oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, tidak disyahkan oleh Presiden, maka rancangan tadi tidak boleh dimajukan lagi dalam persidangan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat masa itu.

Pasal 22
(1) Dalam hal ihwal kegentingan yang memaksa, Presiden berhak menetapkan peraturan pemerintah pengganti undang-undang.
(2) Peraturan pemerintah itu harus mendapat persetujuan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dalam persidangan yang berikut.
(3) Jika tidak mendapat persetujuan, maka peraturan pemerintah itu harus dicabut.

BAB VIII
HAL KEUANGAN

Pasal 23
(1) Anggaran pendapatan dan belanja ditetapkan tiap-tiap tahun dengan undang-undang. Apabila Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat tidak menyetujui anggaran yang diusulkan pemerintah, maka pemerintah menjalankan anggaran tahun yang lalu.
(2) Segala pajak untuk keperluan negara berdasarkan undang-undang.
(3) Macam dan harga mata uang ditetapkan dengan undang-undang.
(4) Hal keuangan negara selanjutnya diatur dengan undang-undang.
(5) Untuk memeriksa tanggung jawab tentang keuangan negara diadakan suatu Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan, yang peraturannya ditetapkan dengan undang-undang. Hasil pemeriksaan itu diberitahukan kepada Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.

BAB IX
KEKUASAAN KEHAKIMAN

Pasal 24
(1) Kekuasaan Kehakiman dilakukan oleh sebuah Mahkamah Agung dan lain-lain badan kehakiman menurut undang-undang.
(2) Susunan dan kekuasaan badan kehakiman itu diatur dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 25
Syarat-syarat untuk menjadi dan diperhentikan sebagai hakim ditetapkan dengan undang-undang.

BAB X
WARGA NEGARA

Pasal 26
(1) Yang menjadi warga negara ialah orang-orang bangsa Indonesia asli dan orang-orang bangsa lain yang disahkan dengan undang-undang sebagai warga negara.
(2) Syarat-syarat yang mengenai kewarganegaraan ditetapkan dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 27
(1) Segala warga negara bersamaan kedudukannya dalam hukum dan pemerintahan dan wajib menjunjung hukum dan pemerintahan itu dengan tidak ada kecualinya.
(2) Tiap-tiap warga negara berhak atas pekerjaan dan penghidupan yang layak bagi kemanusiaan.

Pasal 28
Kemerdekaan berserikat dan berkumpul, mengeluarkan pikiran dengan lisan dan tulisan dan sebagainya ditetapkan dengan undang-undang.

BABXI
AGAMA

Pasal 29
(1) Negara berdasar atas Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa.
(2) Negara menjamin kemerdekaan tiap-tiap penduduk untuk memeluk agamanya masingmasing dan untuk beribadat menurut agamanya dan kepercayaannya itu.

BAB XII
PERTAHANAN NEGARA

Pasal 30
(1) Tiap-tiap warga negara berhak dan wajib ikut serta dalam usaha pembelaan negara.
(2) Syarat-syarat tentang pembelaan diatur dengan undang-undang.

BAB XIII
PENDIDIKAN

Pasal 31
(1) Tiap-tiap warga negara berhak mendapat pengajaran.
(2) Pemerintah mengusahakan dan menyelenggarakan satu sistem pengajaran nasional, yang diatur dengan undang-undang.

Pasal 32
Pemerintah memajukan kebudayaan nasional Indonesia.

BAB XIV
KESEJAHTERAAN SOSIAL

Pasal 33
(1) Perekonomian disusun sebagai usaha bersama berdasar atas asas kekeluargaan.
(2) Cabang-cabang produksi yang penting bagi negara dan yang menguasai hajat hidup orang banyak dikuasai oleh negara.
(3) Bumi dan air dan kekayaan alam yang terkandung didalamnya dikuasai oleh negara dan dipergunakan untuk sebesar-besar kemakmuran rakyat.

Pasal 34
Fakir miskin dan anak-anakyang terlantar dipelihara oleh negara.

BAB XV
BENDERA DAN BAHASA

Pasal 35
Bendera Negara Indonesia ialah Sang Merah Putih.

Pasal 36
Bahasa negara ialah Bahasa Indonesia.

BAB XVI
PERUBAHAN UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR

Pasal 37
(1) Untuk mengubah Undang-Undang Dasar sekurang-kurangnya 2/3 dari pada jumlah anggota Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat harus hadir.
(2) Putusan diambil dengan persetujuan sekurang-kurangnya 2/3 dari pada jumlah anggota Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat yang hadir.

ATURAN PERALIHAN

Pasal 1
Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia mengatur dan menyelenggarakan kepindahan pemerintahan kepada Pemerintah Indonesia .

Pasal II
Segala badan negara dan peraturan yang ada masih langsung berlaku, selama belum diadakan yang baru menurut Undang-Undang Dasar ini.

Pasal III
Untuk pertama kali Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dipilih oleh Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia.

Pasal IV
Sebelum Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, dan Dewan Pertimbangan Agung dibentuk menurut Undang-Undang Dasar ini, segala kekuasaannya dijalankan oleh Presiden dengan bantuan sebuah komite nasional.

ATURAN PERTAMBAHAN
(1) Dalam enam bulan sesudah akhirnya peperangan Asia Timur Raya, Presiden Indonesia mengatur dan menyelenggarakan segala hal yang ditetapkan dalam Undang-Undang Dasar ini.
(2) Dalam enam bulan sesudah Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat dibentuk, Majelis itu bersidang untuk menetapkan Undang-Undang Dasar.

Megawati sukarnoputri

Id-Megawati_Sukarnoputri_Full.ogg Diah Permata Megawati Setiawati Sukarnoputri (help·info) [1] (born 23 January 1947), also known simply as Megawati, is an Indonesian politician, and leader of opposition party PDI-P. She served as the President of Indonesia from 23 July 2001 to 20 October 2004 and was the country's first female President. She is also the first Indonesian leader to be born after independence. Megawati is the daughter of Indonesia's first president, Sukarno.

After serving as Vice-President under Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati became President when Wahid was removed from office in 2001. She ran for re-election in the 2004 presidential election, but was defeated by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the second round.

In 2004, she was ranked number 8 on Forbes Magazine's list of the World's 100 Most Powerful Women. As of 2008 she had fallen off the list.
Contents
[hide]

* 1 Early life
* 2 Political career
o 2.1 Member of the Legislative Branch
o 2.2 Chairperson of PDI
o 2.3 Reformasi
o 2.4 1999 MPR General Session
* 3 Vice Presidency
o 3.1 Work as Vice President
o 3.2 2000 PDI-P National Congress
o 3.3 Relationship with Wahid and rise to the Presidency
* 4 Presidency
* 5 Post-Presidency
* 6 Family
* 7 Etymology of "Megawati Sukarnoputri"
* 8 References
o 8.1 General
o 8.2 Notes
* 9 External links

[edit] Early life
Former President Sukarno, with his children Megawati and Guntur, while receiving Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.

Megawati Sukarnoputri was born on 23 January 1947 in Yogyakarta to President Sukarno, who had declared Indonesia's independence from the Netherlands in 1945 and Fatmawati, one of Sukarno's nine wives. Megawati was Sukarno's second child and first daughter. As a child, Megawati grew up in her father's Merdeka Palace. She would dance in front of her father's guests and developed a hobby for gardening.[2] Megawati was 19 when her father was overthrown and succeeded by a military government led by Suharto. Sukarno's family was ignored by the new government provided they stayed out of politics.

Megawati attended Padjadjaran University in Bandung to study agriculture, but dropped out in 1967 to be with her father following his fall from power. In 1970, the year her father died, Megawati went to the University of Indonesia to study psychology but dropped out after two years.[3] She is a practising Muslim but also follows traditional Javanese beliefs.[citation needed]
[edit] Political career
[edit] Member of the Legislative Branch

In 1986, Suharto gave the status of Proclamation Hero to Sukarno in a ceremony attended by Megawati herself. Suharto's acknowledgment of Sukarno enabled the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), a government-sanctioned party, to run a campaign centered on Sukarno nostalgia in the lead up to the 1987 Legislative Elections. Up to that time, Megawati had seen herself as a housewife, but in 1987 she joined PDI and ran for a People's Representative Council (DPR) membership [2]. PDI was only too keen to accept Megawati and boost their own image. Megawati quickly became popular, her status as Sukarno's daughter overruling her obvious lack of oratorical skills. Although PDI came last in the 1987 Legislative Elections, Megawati was elected to the DPR. Like all members of the DPR she also became a member of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).
[edit] Chairperson of PDI

Megawati was not re-elected to the DPR or the MPR, but continued as a PDI member. In December 1993, PDI held a National Congress. as was always the case when New Order opposition parties hold their congresses, the Government actively interfered in the Congress to ensure that the opposition parties would be tame towards them. As the Congress approached, three contenders for the Chairpersonship of PDI became evident. The first candidate was incumbent Suryadi who had started to become overly critical of the Government, the second candidate was Budi Harjono a Government-friendly figure whom the Government wanted to win the Chairpersonship, and finally, there was Megawati. Megawati's candidacy received such overwhelming support that her election at the Congress would only be a formality [4].

Sensing this, the Government began to maneuver to ensure that Megawati would not be elected. When the Congress assembled, the Government began to stall and all attempts to hold the Chairperson election were delayed [4]. A situation then developed whereby if PDI did not elect a Chairperson by the end of the Congress, the Congress would not be allowed to continue because their permit to assemble would run out. As the hours ticked down to the end of the Congress, troops began gathering at the site of the Congress. Finally with two hours before the permit to assemble ran out, Megawati called a press conference. Megawati stated at the press conference, that because she enjoyed the support of a majority of PDI members, she was now the de facto Chairperson of PDI [4]. Despite her relative lack of political experience, she was popular in part for her status as the daughter of Sukarno, but also because she was seen as free of corruption and having admirable personal qualities. Under her leadership, PDI gained a large following among the urban poor and both urban and rural middle classes.

On the other hand the Government was outraged that they failed to prevent Megawati's election as Chairperson of PDI. They never acknowledged Megawati although Megawati's self-appointment to the Chairpersonship had been ratified in 1994 by PDI. Finally in 1996, the Government managed to convene a Special National Congress in Medan. This Congress, attended by anti-Megawati figures, re-elected Suryadi to the Chairpersonship of PDI. Megawati and her camp refused to acknowledge the results of the Government-backed congress, and PDI was divided into pro-Megawati and anti-Megawati camps.

Suryadi began threatening to take back PDI's Headquarters in Jakarta. This threat came true during the morning of 27 July 1996 [5]. Suryadi's supporters (reportedly with the Government's backing) attacked the PDI Headquarters and faced resistance from Megawati supporters who had been stationed there ever since the National Congress in Medan. In the ensuing fight, Megawati's supporters managed to hold on to the headquarters. A riot then ensued, followed by a crackdown by the Government. The Government later blamed the riots on the People's Democracy Party (PRD); they recognized Suryadi's PDI as the official PDI and also banned Megawati from competing in the 1997 Legislative Election.

Despite what seemed to be a political defeat, Megawati scored a moral victory and her popularity grew. When the time came for the 1997 Legislative Elections, Megawati and her supporters threw their support behind the United Development Party (PPP), the other political party that the Government had allowed to exist.
[edit] Reformasi

In mid 1997, Indonesia began to be affected by the Asian Financial Crisis and showed severe economic distress by late January 1998 when the rupiah fell to nearly 15,000 against the dollar, compared to only 4,000 in early December. This combined with increasing public anger at pervasive corruption, culminated in May 1998 with Suharto's resignation from the Presidency and the assumption of that office by Vice President B. J. Habibie. With removal of the restrictions on her, Megawati began to consolidate her political position. In October 1998, her supporters held a National Congress whereby Megawati's PDI would now be known as the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P) to differentiate itself from the PDI of Suryadi. Megawati was elected as Chairperson and was nominated as the Party's Presidential candidate [6].

Megawati's PDI-P, together with Abdurrahman Wahid's National Awakening Party (PKB) and Amien Rais' National Mandate Party (PAN), became the leading forces of the Reform movement. Despite their popularity, Megawati, Wahid, and Rais adopted a moderate stance, preferring to wait until the 1999 Legislative Elections to begin taking power [7]. In November 1998, Megawati, together with Wahid, Rais, and Hamengkubuwono X reiterated their commitment to Reform through the Ciganjur Statement.

As the 1999 legislative elections approached, there was hope that Megawati, Wahid, and Amien would form a political coalition against President Habibie and Golkar. In May 1999, this hope came close to being a reality when Alwi Shihab held a press conference at his house during which Megawati, Wahid, and Amien were to announce that they would work together. At the last minute, Megawati chose not to attend because she decided that she could not trust Amien [8]. In June 1999, the 1999 legislative elections were held. PDI-P was undoubtedly the most popular political party and it came first with 33% of the votes.

With PDI-P's Legislative Election victory, the prospects of Megawati becoming President became more real. This prospect was detested by the United Development Party (PPP) who did not want Indonesia to have a female President [9]. In preparation for the 1999 MPR General Session, PDI-P formed a loose coalition with PKB. As the MPR General Session approached, it seemed as if the Presidential election was going to be contested by Megawati and Habibie but by late June, Amien had managed to draw the Islamic parties together in a coalition called the Central Axis.[8] The Presidential election also became a three way race when Amien floated the idea of nominating Wahid for President; but Wahid did not provide a clear response to this.
[edit] 1999 MPR General Session

Megawati's PDI-P and PKB coalition faced its first test when the MPR assembled to choose its Chairman. Megawati threw her support behind Matori Abdul Djalil, the Chairman of PKB. Matori was overwhelmingly defeated by Amien, who in addition to enjoying Central Axis support was also backed by Golkar[9]. The Golkar and Central Axis coalition then struck again when they secured Akbar Tanjung's election as Head of DPR. At this stage, people became wary that Megawati, who best represented reform, was going to be obstructed by the political process and that the status quo was going to be preserved. PDI-P supporters began to gather in Jakarta.

With the rejection of Habibie's accountability speech and Habibie's withdrawal from the Presidential race, the Presidential election to be held on 20 October 1999 came down to Megawati and Wahid. Megawati took an early lead, but was overtaken and lost with 313 votes compared to Wahid's 373. Megawati's loss provoked her supporters to begin rioting [9]. Riots raged in Java and Bali. In the City of Solo, PDI-P masses managed to attack Amien's house.

The next day, the MPR assembled to elect the Vice President. PDI-P had considered nominating Megawati for Vice President, but were concerned that the Central Axis and Golkar coalition would once again thwart her. Finally, PKB took the initiative and nominated Megawati as a Vice Presidential candidate. She faced stiff competition from Hamzah Haz, Akbar Tanjung, and General Wiranto[9]. Well aware of the riots that had happened after Megawati's Presidential election defeat, Akbar and Wiranto withdrew from the Vice Presidential race. Hamzah on the other hand insisted on competing with Megawati. Finally, Megawati defeated Hamzah with 396 votes to 284 to become Vice President. In her inauguration speech, she called for her supporters to calm down.
[edit] Vice Presidency
[edit] Work as Vice President

As Vice President, Megawati had considerable authority by virtue of her commanding a lot of the seats in the DPR. Wahid delegated to her the problems in Ambon, although she was not successful.[10] By the time the MPR Annual Session assembled in August 2000, many considered Wahid to be ineffective as President or at the very least as an administrator. Wahid responded to this by issuing a Presidential Decree, giving Megawati day-to-day control of the Government.[10]
[edit] 2000 PDI-P National Congress

The First PDI-P Congress was held in Semarang, Central Java in April 2000, at which Megawati was re-elected as the Chairperson of PDI-P for a 2nd term.

The Congress was noted as one where Megawati consolidated her position within PDI-P by taking harsh measures to remove potential rivals [11]. During the election for the Chairperson, two other candidates emerged in the form of Eros Djarot and Dimyati Hartono. Both Eros and Dimyati ran for the Chairpersonship because they did not want Megawati to hold the PDI-P Chairpersonship while concurrently being Vice President. When Eros finally received his nomination from the South Jakarta branch, membership problems arose and made his nomination void. Eros was then not allowed to go and participate in the congress. Disillusioned with what he perceived to be a cult of personality developing around Megawati, Eros left PDI-P. In July 2002, he formed the Freedom Bull National Party. Although Dimyati's candidacy was not opposed as harshly as Eros, he was removed from his position as Head of PDI-P's Central Branch. He kept his position as a People's Representative Council (DPR) member but retired in February 2002. In April 2002, Dimyati formed the Our Homeland of Indonesia Party (PITA).
[edit] Relationship with Wahid and rise to the Presidency
Main article: Post-Suharto Era

Megawati had an ambivalent relationship with Wahid. During the Cabinet reshuffle of August 2000 for example, Megawati was not present for the announcement of the new Cabinet line-up [12]. At another occasion, when the political tide began to rise up against Wahid, Megawati defended her President and lashed out against critics of the Government [13]. In 2001, Megawati began to distance herself from Wahid as a Special Session of the MPR approached and the prospects of her becoming President began to get better. Although she refused to make any specific comments, she showed signs of preparing herself to be President, such as holding a meeting with party leaders a day before the Special Session was due to start.[14]
[edit] Presidency
Wiki letter w.svg
Please help improve this article by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page. (January 2009)
MPR Chairman Amien Rais congratulates Megawati on her appointment as President.

On July 23, 2001, the People's Consultative Assembly assembled. Its members unanimously removed Wahid from office before appointing Megawati as President.

She ran for re-election in the 2004 presidential election, but was defeated by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the second round, held on 20 September 2004. She famously refused to congratulate the new president in public.
[edit] Post-Presidency

On 11 September 2007 Megawati announced her 2009 reelection bid at a gathering of the PDI-P (Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle). Soetardjo Soerjoguritno confirmed her willingness to be nominated as her party's presidential candidate.[15]
[edit] Family
Megawati with husband Taufiq Kiemas and three children.

Megawati's first husband, First Lieutenant Surendro Supjarso, was killed in a plane crash in Irian Jaya in 1970. In 1972, she married Hassan Gamal Ahmad Hassan, an Egyptian diplomat. The marriage was annulled shortly after.[3] She married Taufiq Kiemas, her present husband, in 1973.[16] They have three children, Mohammad Rizki Pramata, Mohammad Prananda and Puan Maharani, now in their 30s.
[edit] Etymology of "Megawati Sukarnoputri"

Sukarnoputri means "daughter of Sukarno" and it is not a family name: Javanese often do not have family names. She is simply referred to as 'Megawati' (or 'Mega') which is derived from Sanskrit meghavatī = "she who has a cloud", i.e. a raincloud, as it was raining when she was born. Biju Patnaik, an eminent Indian leader named her on the request of Sukarno. [17]

BJ Habibie

Id-Habibie Full.ogg Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie (help·info) (born 25 June 1936), also known B. J. Habibie, was the third President of Indonesia, holding office from 1998 to 1999.
Contents
[hide]

* 1 Early life
* 2 Time in Germany
* 3 Minister of Technology and Research
* 4 Aviation industry
* 5 Union of Indonesian Intellectual Muslims (ICMI)
* 6 Member of Golkar
* 7 Vice presidency
* 8 Presidency
o 8.1 Rise to office
o 8.2 Cabinet
o 8.3 East Timor
o 8.4 Suharto's corruption charge
o 8.5 The economy
o 8.6 Social
o 8.7 Other
o 8.8 End of presidency
* 9 Post-presidency
* 10 Family
* 11 Notes
* 12 External links

[edit] Early life

Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie was born in Pare-Pare, South Sulawesi, to Alwi Abdul Jalil Habibie and R. A. Tuti Marini Puspowardojo. He studied at the Bandung Institute of Technology for one year. Although BJ. Habibie himself was born in South Sulawesi, B.J. Habibie's parents didn't come from this region. His father was a Gorontalo agriculturist and his mother was a Yogyakarta noblewoman, who met when both of them were studying in Bogor[1].

In 1950, when Habibie was fourteen, he became acquainted with Lieutenant Colonel Suharto. The future Indonesian President was then stationed in Makassar to put down a separatist rebellion and lived in a house across the road from the Habibie family's. Suharto quickly became a family friend. He was present during the death of Habibie's father and became an intermediary when one of his soldiers wanted to marry Habibie's sister [2].
[edit] Time in Germany

During 1955-1965, he studied aerospace engineering at the RWTH Aachen University, Germany, receiving Diploma (Germany's First degree certificate which is equivalent to Master in most countries) in 1960 and doctorate in 1965. He then worked for Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm in Hamburg. It might have been due to his time spent in Europe that made him interested in the Leica line of cameras.

While working in Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm, Habibie conducted many research assignments, producing theories on thermodynamics, construction, and aerodynamics, known as the Habibie Factor, Habibie Theorem, and Habibie Method.
[edit] Minister of Technology and Research

In 1974, Suharto sent Ibnu Sutowo to Germany to meet Habibie and convince him to come back to Indonesia. Habibie was convinced and returned to Indonesia, taking the position of Technological Adviser to the President.

From 1978 to 1998 Habibie served as Minister of Technology and Research in Suharto's Cabinet. He pushed for a leapfrog strategy of development, which he hoped would bypass the foundational low-skill technology stages to turn Indonesia into an industrialized nation. Despite national and international opposition (which preferred agricultural investments to technological investments) to this;he once famously announced that "I have some figures which compare the cost of one kilo of airplane compared to one kilo of rice. One kilo of airplane costs thirty thousand US dollars and one kilo of rice is seven cents. And if you want to pay for your one kilo of high-tech products with a kilo of rice, I don't think we have enough [3]."

Habibie had considerable power as Minister of Technology. His long acquaintance with Suharto combined with Suharto's own desire that Indonesia master technology as part of its development meant that Habibie was able to get extra fundings from the budget for his projects at the expense of other ministers' project. In 1989, Suharto increased Habibie's power, putting him in charge of strategic industries.
[edit] Aviation industry

When Habibie came back to Indonesia in 1974, he was also made CEO of a new state owned enterprise called PT. Nurtanio. By the early 1980s it had made considerable progress, specializing in making helicopters and small passenger planes. In 1995, Habibie succeeded in flying a N-250 (dubbed Gatotkoco) commuter plane. He was assited in his efforts by A.B. Wolff, former Chief of Staff of the Dutch Airforce.

In developing Indonesia's Aviation Industry, Habibie adopted an approach called "Begin at the End and End at the Beginning" [4]. In this method, things such as basic research became the last things that the workers at IPTN focused on while actual manufacturing of the planes was placed as the first objective.

In 1985, PT. Nurtanio changed its name to Indonesian Aviation Industry (IPTN) and is now known as Indonesian Aerospace Inc. (Dirgantara).
[edit] Union of Indonesian Intellectual Muslims (ICMI)

By the late 80's, it became apparent that there was a rift between Suharto and his main political ally, ABRI. Suharto, who had repressed Islamists in the earlier years of his regime now began to make concilliatory gestures in a bid to build a new power base to compensate the one he was losing with ABRI.

In December 1990, the ICMI was formed with Habibie as its Chairman. In Suharto's eyes, ICMI would become his main weapon in appealing to the Muslim society. ICMI was a successful venture, by 1994, it had 20,000 members including future political opponents such as Nurcolish Majid and Amien Rais [5].

Habibie served as Chairman of ICMI for 10 years.
[edit] Member of Golkar

Like all Government officials in Suharto's regime, Habibie was a member of Golkar.

From 1993-1998, Habibie was a Daily Coordinator for the Chairman of the Executive Board.
[edit] Vice presidency

The 1998 People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) General Session was to be held in the midst of the Asian Financial Crisis and many were hoping for Suharto to take serious steps to take the country out of trouble. In January 1998, after accepting nomination for a 7th term as President, Suharto announced the criteria for the person who he wanted as Vice President. Suharto did not mention Habibie by name but his suggestion that the next Vice President should have mastery over science and technology made it obvious who he wanted to nominate [6]. The market reacted badly, causing the rupiah to further depreciate in value.

Despite protests and former Minister Emil Salim trying to nominate himself as Vice President, Habibie was elected as Vice President in March 1998.
[edit] Presidency
Main article: Post-Suharto Era
[edit] Rise to office
Habibie takes the presidential oath of office on 21 May 1998.

By May 1998, the increasing poverty caused by the Financial Crisis and political discontent had reached boiling point. On 13 May, the shooting of six students at Trisakti University in Jakarta, caused extreme anger which in turn caused widespread riots and lootings. There were now explicit calls for Suharto to step down as President of Indonesia. Suharto responded by saying on 19 May 1998 that if he stepped down, the Vice President would become President and in a not too subtle jab to Habibie, said that he was not sure whether the Vice President could solve the problems facing the country [7].

Habibie, who learned of Suharto's comments from television, was upset with his mentor and from then on was increasingly sympathetic to those who wanted Suharto to step down. While careful not to oppose him directly or support those who did, Habibie left the president in little doubt that he saw himself as Suharto's legitimate successor. Suharto, faced with dwindling civilian and military support, even among loyalists like Wiranto and Ginandjar Kartasasmita, decided to resign late on the evening of 20 May 1998. [8]

The next morning, on 21 May 1998, Suharto publicly announced his resignation and Habibie was immediately sworn in as President. There was mixed reaction to Habibie's assumption of the Presidency. Hardline reformists saw Habibie as an extension of Suharto's regime while moderate reformists saw him as leading a transitional Government.

With the release of his 2006 book, Detik-Detik Yang Menentukan: Jalan Panjang Indonesia Menuju Demokrasi (Decisive Moments: Indonesia's Long Road Towards Democracy), there is speculation that Suharto had wanted Habibie to resign along with him. [9] In Javanese style, Suharto hinted at this intention subtly. Habibie, despite having Javanese root from his mother, didn't take the hint and decided to take the office of the President. Because of this inability to read his intentions, Suharto showed nothing but contempt and never talked to Habibie again.
[edit] Cabinet

Habibie's Cabinet, which was called the Development Reform Cabinet consisted mostly of the same faces which had served in Suharto's last Cabinet.[10] To show his reformist bent, Habibie included United Development Party (PPP) member Hamzah Haz in the Cabinet.
[edit] East Timor

When he took office, Habibie made it clear that East Timorese Independence was out of the question, but that he would consider giving East Timor special autonomy.[11] In January 1999, however, Habibie surprised everyone by announcing that a referendum, choosing between special autonomy and independence, would be held in East Timor. This particular decision made Habibie extremely unpopular with ABRI.

On 30 August 1999, the referendum was held and the East Timorese people chose overwhelmingly for Independence. However, the retreat of Indonesian troops from East Timor would not be peaceful as many were killed by Pro-Indonesian para-militaries.
[edit] Suharto's corruption charge

The 1998 MPR Special Session in November declared that an investigation should be made into corruption charges especially that of Suharto's.

Habibie also thought of forming a special commission as a gesture of good faith towards Reformasi and invited noted lawyer Adnan Buyung Nasution to be on the commission. Nasution would ask for a lot of power in investigating the matter and Habibie rejected the offer. Instead, he appointed Attorney General and loyalist, Andi Muhammad Ghalib to head the investigation.

On 9 December 1998, Suharto was questioned for three hours by Ghalib. The Habibie Government declared that Suharto had not gained his wealth by corruption.

A controversial tape was released which involved a telephone conversation between Habibie and Ghalib. The conversation seemed to suggest that Habibie's Government was not giving a serious attempt at investigating Suharto's corruption charges [12].
[edit] The economy

Habibie's Government stabilized the economy after the chaos which it went through in the Asian Financial Crisis and the last few months of Suharto's Presidency [13].
[edit] Social

Habibie's Government also began making concilliatory gestures towards Chinese Indonesians who because of their wealth and dominance of the Indonesian economy were targeted during the violence and looting. In September 1998, Habibie issued a Presidential Instruction which does not allow for the discriminatorial reference to pribumi (Native) and non-pribumi (Non-Native) [14]. In May 1999, Habibie followed this up with another Presidential Instruction which states that a display of ID Card is enough to prove someone's Indonesian citizenship whereas before, displaying the Letter of Evidence of Republic of Indonesia Citizenship (SBKRI) was the norm.

Although they were not mentioned specifically, it is clear that these policies were targeted towards Chinese Indonesians who in the Suharto years were referred to as non-Pribumi and had to display SBKRI to prove their Indonesian citizenship.
[edit] Other

When he was a State Minister for Research and Technology, BJ Habibie created a program called OFP (Overseas Fellowship program), SMDP (Science and Manpower Development Program) and STAID (Science and Technology for Industrial Development). The three programs were to provide scholarships to thousands of students to continue their study for master’s and doctorate program in the United States, Europe, Japan, and others.
[edit] End of presidency

Although he had been viewed as just leading a transitional Government, Habibie seemed determined to continue as President. In May 1999, Golkar announced that Habibie would be their Presidential candidate.

At the 1999 MPR General Session in October, Habibie delivered an accountability speech, which was a report of what he had achieved during his Presidency. Once this was completed, the MPR members began voting to decide if they would accept or reject Habibie's speech. During this process, pro-Reform members of Golkar broke with the ranks and voted against Habibie and the accountability speech was rejected with 355 votes to 322. Seeing that it would be unethical to go for the Presidency after having his accountability speech rejected, Habibie withdrew his nomination.
[edit] Post-presidency

Since relinquishing the presidency, Habibie has spent more time in Germany than in Indonesia, however he has during Susilo Bambang Yudoyono's presidency been active both as a presidential adviser and through The Habibie Centre to ensure democratisation in Indonesia.

In September 2006, Habibie released a book called Detik-Detik Yang Menentukan: Jalan Panjang Indonesia Menuju Demokrasi (Decisive Moments: Indonesia's Long Road Towards Democracy). The book recalled the events of May 1998 which led to his rise to the Presidency. In the book, he controversially accuses Lieutenant General Prabowo Subianto, Suharto's son-in-law and the Kostrad Commander, of planning a coup d'etat against him in May of 1998.
[edit] Family

Habibie is married to Hasri Ainun Besari, a physician, on May 12, 1962. They have two sons, namely Ilham Akbar Habibie and Thareq Kemal Habibie. Both of them have been married and all have had four children. BJ. Habibie's brother, Yunus Habibie, is the current Indonesian ambassador to the Netherlands.

Abdurrahman Wahid

Abdurrahman ad-Dakhil Wahid (born 7 September 1940), colloquially known as Id-Gusdur.ogg Gus Dur (help·info), is an Indonesian Muslim religious and political leader who served as the President of Indonesia from 1999 to 2001. The long-time president of the Nahdlatul Ulama and the founder of the National Awakening Party (PKB), Wahid was the first elected president of Indonesia after the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998.
Contents
[hide]

* 1 Early life
* 2 Overseas education
* 3 Early career
* 4 Nahdlatul Ulama
o 4.1 Early involvement with NU
o 4.2 Reforming NU
o 4.3 Election to Chairmanship and first term as Chairman
o 4.4 Second term as Chairman and opposing the New Order
o 4.5 Third term as Chairman and the lead-up to Reformasi
* 5 Reformation
o 5.1 Formation of PKB and the Ciganjur statement
o 5.2 1999 elections and MPR General Session
* 6 Presidency
o 6.1 1999
o 6.2 2000
+ 6.2.1 Cabinet dismissals
+ 6.2.2 Aceh
+ 6.2.3 Other Overtures toward Reconciliation
+ 6.2.4 Relationship with TNI
+ 6.2.5 Buloggate and Bruneigate
+ 6.2.6 2000 MPR Annual Session and Cabinet reshuffle
+ 6.2.7 Regional unrest
+ 6.2.8 Gathering political opposition
o 6.3 2001 & removal from power
* 7 Post Presidency activities
o 7.1 Schism within the PKB
o 7.2 2004 Legislative and Presidential elections
o 7.3 Opposition to Yudhoyono Government
o 7.4 Other activities
o 7.5 Religious views
* 8 Personal life
* 9 External links
o 9.1 Interview on SBS Dateline
* 10 References
o 10.1 General
o 10.2 Notes

[edit] Early life
Abdurrahman Wahid in his youth

Abdurrahman ad-Dakhil Wahid was born on the fourth day of the eighth month of the Islamic calendar in 1940 in Jombang, East Java to Abdul Wahid Hasyim and Siti Solichah. This led to a belief that he was born on 4 August; instead, using the Islamic calendar to mark his birth date meant that he was actually born on 4 Sha'aban, equivalent to 7 September 1940. He was named after Abd ar-Rahman I of the Umayyad Caliphate who brought Islam to Spain and was thus nicknamed "ad-Dakhil" ("the conqueror"). His name is stylized in the traditional Arabic naming system as "Abdurrahman, son of Wahid".

He was the firstborn out of his five siblings, and Wahid was born into a very prestigious family in the East Java Muslim community. His paternal grandfather, Hasyim Asy'ari was the founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) while his maternal grandfather, Bisri Syansuri was the first Muslim educator to introduce classes for women.[1] Wahid's father, Wahid Hasyim, was involved in the Nationalist Movement and would go on to be Indonesia's first Minister of Religious Affairs.

In 1944, Wahid moved from Jombang to Jakarta where his father was involved with the Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims (Masyumi), an organization established by the Imperial Japanese Army which occupied Indonesia at the time. After the Indonesian Declaration of Independence on 17 August 1945, Wahid moved back to Jombang and remained there during the fight for independence from the Netherlands during the Indonesian National Revolution. At the end of the war in 1949, Wahid moved to Jakarta as his father had received appointment as Minister of Religious Affairs. Wahid went about his education in Jakarta, going to KRIS Primary School before moving to Matraman Perwari Primary School. Wahid was also encouraged to read non-Muslim books, magazines, and newspapers by his father to further broaden his horizons.[2] Wahid stayed in Jakarta with his family even after his father's removal as Minister of Religious Affairs in 1952. In April 1953, Wahid's father died after being involved in a car crash.

In 1954, Wahid began Junior High School. That year, he failed to graduate to the next year and was forced to repeat. His mother then made the decision to send Wahid to Yogyakarta to continue his education. In 1957, after graduating from Junior High School, Wahid moved to Magelang to begin Muslim Education at Pesantren (Muslim School) Tegalrejo. He completed the pesantren's course in two years instead of the usual four. In 1959, Wahid moved back to Jombang to Pesantren Tambakberas. There, while continuing his own education, Wahid also received his first job as a teacher and later on as headmaster of a madrasah affiliated with the Pesantren. Wahid also found employment as a journalist for magazines such as Horizon and Majalah Budaya Jaya.
[edit] Overseas education

In 1963, Wahid received a scholarship from the Ministry of Religious Affairs to study at Al Azhar University in Cairo, Egypt. He left for Egypt in November 1963. Unable to provide evidence to certify that he spoke Arabic, Wahid was told when arriving that he would have to take a remedial class in the language before enrolling at the University's Higher Institute for Islamic and Arabic studies.

Instead of attending classes, Wahid spent 1964 enjoying life in Egypt; watching European and American movies as well indulging in his hobby of watching football. Wahid was also involved with the Association of Indonesian Students and became a journalist for the association's magazine. After passing the remedial Arabic examination, he finally began studies at the Higher Institute for Islamic and Arabic Studies in 1965, but was disappointed. He had already studied many of the texts offered at the Institute in Java and disapproved of the rote learning method used by the University.[3]

In Egypt, Wahid found employment with the Indonesian Embassy. It was during his stint with the Embassy that G30S PKI happened. With Kostrad Commander, Major General Suharto taking control of the situation in Jakarta, a Communist crackdown was initiated. The Indonesian Embassy in Egypt was ordered to conduct an investigation on university students reporting on their political views. This order was passed to Wahid, who was charged with writing the reports.[4]

Wahid's displeasure at the method of education and his work post-G30S distracted him from his studies. Wahid sought and received another scholarship at the University of Baghdad and moved to Iraq. There Wahid continued his involvement with the Association of Indonesian Students as well as with writing journalistic pieces to be read in Indonesia.

After completing his education at the University of Baghdad in 1970, Wahid went to the Netherlands to continue his education. Wahid wanted to attend Leiden University but was disappointed as there was little recognition for the studies that he had done at the University of Baghdad. From the Netherlands, Wahid went to Germany and France before going back to Indonesia in 1971.
[edit] Early career

Wahid returned to Jakarta expecting that in a year's time, he would be abroad again to study at McGill University in Canada. He kept himself busy by joining the Institute for Economic and Social Research, Education and Information (LP3ES),[5] an organization which consisted of intellectuals with progressive Muslims and social-democratic views. LP3ES established a magazine called Prisma and Wahid became one of the main contributors to the magazine. Whilst working as a contributor for LP3ES, Wahid also conducted tours to pesantrens and madrasahs all around Java. It was a time when pesantren were desperate to gain state funding by adopting state-endorsed curricula and Wahid was concerned that the traditional values of the pesantren were being damaged because of this change. Wahid was also concerned with the poverty of the pesantren which he saw during his tours. At the same time as they were encouraging pesantren to adopt state-endorsed curricula, the Government was also encouraging pesantren as agents for change and to help assist the Government in its economic development of Indonesia. It was at this time that Wahid finally decided to drop plans for overseas studies in favor of developing the pesantren.

Wahid continued his career as a journalist, writing for magazine Tempo and Kompas newspaper. His articles were well-received and he began to develop a reputation as a social commentator. Wahid's popularity was such that at this time, he was invited along to give lectures and seminars, forcing him to travel back and forth between Jakarta and Jombang, where he now lived with his family.

Despite having a successful career up to that point, Wahid still found it hard to make ends meet and he worked to earn extra income by selling peanuts and delivering ice to be used for his wife's Es Lilin (popsicle) business.[6] In 1974, Wahid found extra employment in Jombang as a Muslim Legal Studies teacher at Pesantren Tambakberas and soon developed a good reputation. A year later, Wahid added to his workload as a Teacher of Kitab Al Hikam, a classical text of sufism.

In 1977, Wahid joined the Hasyim Asyari University as Dean of the Faculty of Islamic Beliefs and Practices. Once again, Wahid excelled in his job and the University wanted to Wahid to teach extra subjects such as pedagogy, sharia, and missiology. However, his excellence caused some resentment from within the ranks of university and Wahid was blocked from teaching the subjects. Whilst undertaking all these ventures Wahid also regularly delivered speeches during ramadan to the Muslim community in Jombang.
[edit] Nahdlatul Ulama
[edit] Early involvement with NU

Wahid's family background meant that sooner or later, he would be asked to play an active role in the running of NU. This ran contrary to Wahid's aspirations of becoming a public intellectual and he had twice rejected offers to join the NU Religious Advisory Council. Nevertheless, Wahid finally chose to join the Council when his own grandfather, Bisri Syansuri gave him the third offer.[7] In taking this job, Wahid also made the decision to move from Jombang to Jakarta and to permanently reside there. As a member of the Religious Advisory Council, Wahid envisioned himself as a reformer of NU.

At this time, Wahid also had his first political experience. In the lead-up to the 1982 Legislative Elections, Wahid campaigned for the United Development Party (PPP), an Islamist Party which was formed as a result of a merger of 4 Islamist parties including NU. Wahid recalled that the Government actively disrupted PPP's campaigns by arresting people like himself.[8] However, Wahid was always able to secure his release, having developed connections in high places with the likes of General Benny Moerdani.
[edit] Reforming NU

By this time, many viewed NU as an organization in stagnation. After careful discussion, the Religious Advisory Council finally formed a Team of Seven (which included Wahid) to tackle the issues of reform and to help revitalize NU. For some members of NU, reform in the organization involved a change of leadership. On 2 May 1982, a group of high-ranking NU officials met with NU Chairman Idham Chalid and asked for his resignation. Idham, who had guided NU in the transition from Sukarno to Suharto resisted at first but bowed down to pressure. On 6 May 1982, Wahid heard of Idham's decision to resign and approached him saying that the demands to resign were unconstitutional. With urging from Wahid, Idham withdrew his resignation and Wahid, together with the Team of Seven was able to negotiate a compromise between Idham and those who had asked for his resignation.[9]

In 1983, Suharto was re-elected to a fourth term as President by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) and began taking steps to establish Pancasila as the State Ideology. From June 1983 to October 1983, Wahid became part of a team which was commissioned to prepare NU's response to this issue. Wahid consulted texts such as the Quran and Sunnah for justification and finally, in October 1983, concluded that NU should accept Pancasila as the State Ideology.[10] To further revitalize NU, Wahid was also successful in securing its withdrawal from PPP and Party politics. This was done so that, NU can focus on social matters instead of hampering itself by being involved in politics.
[edit] Election to Chairmanship and first term as Chairman

Wahid's reforms had made him extremely popular within the ranks of NU. By the time of the 1984 National Congress, many began to state their intentions to nominate Wahid as the new Chairman of NU. Wahid accepted the nomination, provided that he had the power to choose who would be on his leadership team. Wahid was elected as the new Chairman of NU during the National Congress. However, his stipulation of choosing his own team was not honored. The last day of the Congress had begun with Wahid's list of team members being approved by high-ranking NU officials including outgoing Chairman Idham. Wahid had gone to the Committee in charge of running the Congress and handed in his list which was to be announced later. However, the Committee in question was against Idham and announced a totally different list of people. Wahid was outraged but was pressured to accept the changes made.[11]

Wahid's ascendancy to the NU Chairmanship was seen positively by Suharto and his New Order regime. Wahid's acceptance of Pancasila along with his moderate image won him favor among Government ranks. In 1985, Suharto made Wahid a Pancasila indoctrinator.[12] In 1987, Wahid showed further support for the regime by criticizing PPP in the lead-up to the 1987 Legislative Elections and further strengthening Suharto's Golkar Party. His reward came in the form of a membership of the MPR. Although he was viewed with favor by the regime, Wahid criticised the Government over the Kedung Ombo Dam project that was funded by the World Bank. Although this somewhat soured the cordial relationships that Wahid had with the Government, Suharto was still keen on getting political support from NU.

During his 1st term as Chairman of NU, Wahid focused on reform of the pesantren education system and was successful in increasing the quality of pesantren education system so that it can match up with secular schools.[13] In 1987, Wahid also set up study groups in Probolinggo, East Java to provide a forum for like-minded individuals within NU to discuss and provide interpretations to Muslim texts.[14] Critics accused Wahid of wishing to replace the Arabic Muslim greeting of "assalamualaikum" with the secular greeting of "selamat pagi", which means good morning in Indonesian.
[edit] Second term as Chairman and opposing the New Order

Wahid was re-elected to a second term as Chairman of NU at the 1989 National Congress. By this time, Suharto, embroiled in a political battle with ABRI began to ingratiate himself with the Muslim constituency so as to win their support. This venture reached a turning point in December 1990 with the formation of the Union of Indonesian Intellectual Muslims (ICMI). This organization was backed by Suharto, Chaired by BJ Habibie and included Muslim intellectuals such as Amien Rais and Nurcholish Madjid as its members. In 1991, various members of ICMI asked Wahid to join. Wahid declined because he thought that ICMI encouraged sectarianism and that it was just a means by Suharto to remain powerful.[15] In 1991, Wahid countered ICMI by forming the Democracy Forum, an organization which contained of 45 intellectuals from various religious and social communities. The organization was treated with credibility by the Government and broke up meetings held by the Democracy Forum as the 1992 Legislative Elections approached.

In March 1992, Wahid planned to have a Great Assembly to celebrate the 66th anniversary of the founding of NU and to reiterate the organization's support for Pancasila. Wahid had planned for the event to be attended by at least one million NU members. However, Suharto moved to block the event, ordering policemen to turn back busloads of NU members as they arrived in Jakarta. Nevertheless, the event managed to attract 200,000 attendants. After the event, Wahid wrote a letter of protest to Suharto saying that NU had not been given a chance to display a brand of Islam that is open, fair, and tolerant.[16] During his second term as Chairman of NU, Wahid's liberal ideas had begun to turn many supporters sour. As Chairman, Wahid continued to push for inter-faith dialogue and even accepted an invitation to visit Israel in October 1994.[17]
[edit] Third term as Chairman and the lead-up to Reformasi

As the 1994 National Congress approached, Wahid nominated himself for a 3rd term as Chairman. Hearing this, Suharto wanted to make sure that Wahid was not elected. In the weeks leading up to the Congress, Suharto's supporters, such as Habibie and Harmoko campaigned against Wahid's re-election. When it came time for the National Congress, the site for the Congress was tightly guarded by ABRI in an act of intimidation.[18] Despite this, and attempts to bribe NU members to vote against him, Wahid came through and was re-elected as NU Chairman for a 3rd term. During this term, Wahid began to move closer towards a political alliance with Megawati Sukarnoputri from the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). Capitalizing on her father's legacy, Megawati had a lot of popularity and intended to put political and moral pressure on Suharto's regime. Wahid advised Megawati to be cautious and to avoid being nominated as President during the 1998 MPR General Session. Megawati ignored this advice and paid the price in July 1996 when her PDI headquarters were taken over by supporters of Government-backed PDI Chairman, Suryadi.

Seeing what happened to Megawati, Wahid thought that his best option now was to retreat politically by getting himself back in favor with the Government. In November 1996, Wahid and Suharto met for the first time since Wahid's re-election to the NU Chairmanship and this was followed over the next few months by meetings with various Government people who in 1994 had attempted to block Wahid's re-election.[19] At the same time however, Wahid kept his options for reform open and in December 1996, had a meeting with Amien Rais, an ICMI member who had grown critical of the Regime.

July 1997 saw the beginning of the Asian Financial Crisis. Suharto began to lose control of the situation and just as he was being pushed to step up the reform movement with Megawati and Amien, Wahid suffered a stroke in January 1998. From his bed in the hospital, Wahid continued to see the situation worsen with Suharto's re-election to a 7th term as President and the student protests which would turn into riots in May 1998 after the shooting of six students at Trisakti University. On 19 May 1998, Wahid, together with eight prominent leaders from the Muslim community were summoned to Suharto's residence. Suharto presented the concept of a Reform Committee which he had begun to propose at the time. All nine rejected Suharto's offer to join the Reform Committee. Wahid maintained a more moderate stance with Suharto and called on the protesting to stop to see if Suharto was going to implement his promise.[20] This displeased Amien who was the most vocal out of Suharto's opposition at this time. Nevertheless, there was no stopping Suharto's fall and on 21 May 1998, he announced his resignation. Vice President Habibie now ascended to the Presidency.
[edit] Reformation
[edit] Formation of PKB and the Ciganjur statement

One of the immediate effects of Suharto's fall was the formation of new political parties. Under Suharto's regime, political parties had been limited to just three; Golkar, PPP, and PDI. Now with his fall, new political parties were formed, the most prominent of which was Amien's National Mandate Party (PAN) and Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P). In June 1998, many from within the NU community began pressuring Wahid to form a new political party. Wahid did not warm up to the idea immediately, thinking that this will result in a political party which only catered to one religion and not willing to overrule his own decision to take NU out of politics. By July 1998 however, he began to warm up to the idea, thinking that establishing a political party was the only way to challenge the organizationally strong Golkar in an election. With that in mind, Wahid approved of the formation of PKB and became the Chairman of its Advisory Council with Matori Abdul Djalil as Party Chairman. Although it was clearly dominated by NU members, Wahid promoted PKB as a party that is non-sectarian and open to all members of society.

As opposition to the Government, Wahid, together with Megawati and Amien were willing to adopt a moderate stance towards Habibie's Government; preferring instead to wait for the 1999 Legislative Elections.[21] Nevertheless, in November 1998, in a meeting at his residence in the Jakarta suburb of Ciganjur, Wahid, together with Megawati, Amien, and Sultan Hamengkubuwono X reiterated their commitment to Reform. On 7 February 1999, PKB officially declared Wahid as their Presidential candidate.
[edit] 1999 elections and MPR General Session
See also: Indonesian legislative election, 1999
Amien Rais and Abdurrahman Wahid converse during a session of the MPR.

In June 1999, Wahid's PKB entered the legislative elections. PKB won 12% of the votes with Megawati's PDI–P winning the legislative elections with 33% of the votes. With her party decisively winning the Legislative Elections, Megawati expected to win the Presidency against Habibie at the MPR General Session. However, PDI-P did not have complete majority and formed a loose alliance with PKB. In July however, Amien Rais would form the Central Axis, a coalition of Muslim parties.[22] The Central Axis then began to consider nominating Wahid as a third candidate in the Presidential race and PKB's commitment towards PDI-P began to waver.

In October 1999, the MPR convened and Wahid threw his support behind Amien who was elected as the Chairman of MPR. On 7 October 1999, Amien and the Central Axis, who now had PKB on their side, officially nominated Wahid as a Presidential Candidate.[23] On 19 October 1999, the MPR rejected Habibie's accountability speech and Habibie withdrew himself from the Presidential race. In the hours that followed, Akbar Tanjung, Chairman of Golkar and Head of the People's Representative Council (DPR) made it clear that Golkar would support Wahid in his bid for the Presidency. On 20 October 1999, the MPR convened and began electing for a new President. Wahid was then elected as Indonesia's 4th President with 373 votes to Megawati's 313 votes.[24]

Displeased that their candidate had not won the Presidency, Megawati's supporters began to riot and Wahid realized that for this to stop, Megawati had to be elected as Vice President. After convincing General Wiranto not to compete in the Vice Presidential elections and getting the PKB to support Megawati for this election, Wahid was successful in convincing the demoralized Megawati to compete. On the 21 October 1999, Megawati competed in the Vice Presidential election and defeated PPP's Hamzah Haz.
[edit] Presidency
Main article: Post-Suharto Era
[edit] 1999

Wahid's first Cabinet, dubbed the National Unity Cabinet, was a Coalition Cabinet which consisted of members of various political parties. PDI-P, PKB, Golkar, PPP, PAN, and Justice Party (PK). Non-partisans and the TNI (Formerly known as ABRI) were also represented in the Cabinet. Wahid then went on to make two administrative reforms. The first administrative reform was to abolish the Ministry of Information, the Suharto regime's main weapon in controlling the media while the second administrative reform was to disband the Ministry of Welfare which had become corrupt and extortionist under the Suharto regime [25].

In November, Wahid made his first overseas trip, visiting ASEAN member countries, Japan, United States of America, Qatar, Kuwait, and Jordan. He followed this up in December by a visit to the People's Republic of China. [26]

After only a month in the National Unity Cabinet, Coordinating Minister of People's Welfare Hamzah Haz announced his resignation in November. There was suspicion that the resignation was brought about by Wahid's allegation that certain members of his Cabinet were involved in corruption while he was still in America [25]. Others suggested that Hamzah's resignation was because of displeasure towards Wahid's concilliatory stance towards Israel [27].

Wahid's plan in Aceh was to give it a referendum. However, this referendum would be to decide on various modes of autonomy rather than to decide on independence like in East Timor. Wahid also wanted to adopt a softer stance towards Aceh by having less military personnel on the ground. On 30 December, Wahid visited Jayapura in the Province which was then known as Irian Jaya. During his visit, Wahid was successful in convincing West Papuan leaders that he was a force for change and even encouraged the use of the name Papua [28].
[edit] 2000

In January, Wahid made another overseas trip to Switzerland to attend the World Economic Forum and visited Saudi Arabia on the way back to Indonesia. In February, Wahid made another trip to Europe visiting the United Kingdom, France, Netherlands, Germany, and Italy. On the way back to Europe, Wahid also visited India, South Korea, Thailand, and Brunei. March saw Wahid visit East Timor. In April, Wahid visited South Africa en route to the G-77 summit in Cuba before returning via Mexico City and Hong Kong. In June, Wahid once again visited America, Japan, and France with Iran, Pakistan, and Egypt as the new additions to the list of countries which he had visited.[29]
[edit] Cabinet dismissals

While he was travelling to Europe in February, Wahid began asking for the resignation of General Wiranto, who held the position of Coordinating Minister of Politics and Security. Wahid saw Wiranto both as an obstacle to his planned reform of the Military as well as being a liability to his Government with his alleged human rights abuses in East Timor [30]. When Wahid arrived back in Jakarta, Wiranto talked to him and seemed successful in convincing Wahid not to replace him. However, Wahid would change his mind and ask for his resignation. In April 2000, Wahid dismissed Minister of Industry and Trade Jusuf Kalla and Minister of State Owned Enterprises Laksamana Sukardi. The explanation that he gave was that the two were involved in corruption, although he never gave evidence to back it up [31]. This move soured Wahid's relations with Golkar and PDI-P.
[edit] Aceh

In March 2000, Wahid's Government began to open negotiations with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). Two months later, in May, the Government signed a memorandum of understanding with GAM to last until the beginning of 2001, by which time both signatories would have breached the agreement [32].
[edit] Other Overtures toward Reconciliation

In March 2000, Wahid suggested that the 1966 Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) resolution on the banning of Marxism-Leninism be lifted [33].

Wahid also moved to establish commercial relations with Israel, which aroused the ire of many Indonesian Muslim groups.[34] This was one issue that arose in the briefing given to a Palestinian parliamentary delegation in 2000 by Riddhi Awad, their ambassador to Indonesia. Another issue was Wahid's membership in the Shimon Peres Foundation. Both Wahid and his foreign minister Alwi Shihab took offense at the inaccurate portrayals of the Indonesian President, and Alwi called for the replacement of Awad.[35] However, Nurcholish Madjid pointed out that Wahid's personal neutrality toward the Israel-Palestine conflict should yield to the feelings of the "majority" of Indonesians, who support Palestine.[36]
[edit] Relationship with TNI

When he ascended to the Presidency, one of Wahid's goals was to reform the military and to take it out of its dominant socio-political role. In this venture, Wahid found an ally in Agus Wirahadikusumah who he made Commander of Kostrad in March. In July, Agus began uncovering a scandal involving Dharma Putra, a foundation with affiliations to Kostrad. Through Megawati, TNI members began pressuring Wahid to remove Agus. Wahid gave in to the pressure but then planned to have Agus appointed as the Army Chief of Staff to which TNI top brass responded by threatening to retire and Wahid once again bowed down to pressure [37].

Wahid's relationship with the TNI deteriorated even further when in July it was revealed that Laskar Jihad had arrived in Maluku and was being armed by the TNI. Laskar Jihad, a radical Islamic militia had earlier in the year planned to go to Maluku and assist Muslims there in their communal conflict with the Christians. Wahid had ordered TNI to block Laskar Jihad from going to Maluku, but nevertheless they still made it to Maluku and they were then being armed with what turned out to be TNI weapons [38].
[edit] Buloggate and Bruneigate

2000 saw Wahid embroiled in two scandals which would damage his Presidency. In May, the State Logistics Agency (BULOG) reported that US$4 Million were missing from its cash reserve. The missing cash was then attributed to Wahid's own masseur who had claimed that Wahid sent him to Bulog to collect the cash [39]. Although the money was returned, Wahid's opponents took the chance of accusing him of being involved in the scandal and of being aware of what his masseur was up to. At the same time, Wahid was also accused of keeping US$2 Million for himself. The money was a donation by the Sultan of Brunei to provide assistance in Aceh. However, Wahid failed to account for the money.
[edit] 2000 MPR Annual Session and Cabinet reshuffle

As the 2000 MPR Annual Session approached, Wahid's popularity with the people were still at a high and politically, allies such as Megawati, Akbar, and Amien were still willing to support Wahid despite the sacking of the ministers and the scandals which he had been involved in. At the same time however, they were asking questions of Wahid. At the 2000 MPR Annual Session, Wahid delivered a speech which was well received by a majority of the MPR members. During the speech, Wahid recognized his weakness as an administrator and said that he was going to delegate the day-to-day running of the Government to a Senior Minister [40]. The MPR members agreed but proposed that Megawati should be the one to receive the task from the President. At first the MPR planned to have this proposal adopted as a resolution but a Presidential Decision was seen as enough. On the 23rd August, Wahid announced a new Cabinet despite Megawati's insistence that the announcement was delayed. Megawati showed her displeasure by not showing up for the Cabinet announcement. The new Cabinet was smaller and consisted of more non-partisans. There were no Golkar members in this Cabinet.
[edit] Regional unrest

In September, Wahid declared martial law in Maluku as the condition there continued to deteriorate. By now, it was evident that Laskar Jihad were being assisted by TNI members and it was also apparent that they were financed by Fuad Bawazier, the last Minister of Finance to have served under Suharto. During the same month, the West Papuans raised their Morning Star flag. Wahid's response was to allow the West Papuans to do this provided that the Morning Star flag was placed lower than the Indonesian flag [41] For this, he was severely criticized by Megawati and Akbar. On 24 December 2000, there was Terrorist Attack directed against churches in Jakarta and in eight cities across Indonesia.
[edit] Gathering political opposition

By the end of 2000, there were many within the political elite who were disillusioned with Wahid. The most obvious person who showed this disillusion was Amien who showed regret at supporting Wahid to the Presidency the previous year. Amien also attempted to rally opposition by encouraging Megawati and Akbar to flex their political muscles. Megawati surprisingly defended Wahid whilst Akbar preferred to wait for the 2004 Legislative Elections. At the end of November, 151 DPR members signed a petition calling for the impeachment of Wahid [42].
[edit] 2001 & removal from power

In January, Wahid made the announcement that Chinese New Year was to become an optional holiday [43]. Wahid followed this up in February by lifting the ban on the display of Chinese characters and the importations of Chinese publication. In February, Wahid visited Northern Africa as well as Saudi Arabia to undertake the hajj pilgrimage [44]. Wahid made his last overseas visit in June 2001 when he visited Australia.

At meeting with university rectors on 27 January 2001, Wahid commented on the possibility of Indonesia descending into anarchy. Wahid then made the suggestion that he may be forced to dissolve the DPR if that happened [45]. Although the meeting was off-the-record, it caused quite a stir and added to the fuel of the movement against him. On 1 February, the DPR met to issue a memorandum against Wahid. Two memorandums constitutes an MPR Special Session where the impeachment and removal of a President would be legal. The vote was overwhelmingly for the memorandum and PKB members could only walk out in protest. The memorandum caused widespread protests by NU members. In East Java, NU members went around to Golkar's regional offices and thrashed it. In Jakarta, Wahid's opposition began accusing him of encouraging the protests. Wahid denied it and went to talk to the protesters at the town of Pasuruan; encouraging them to get off the streets [46]. Nevertheless, NU protesters continued to show their support for Wahid and in April, made the announcement that they were ready to defend and die for the President.

In March, Wahid tried to counter the opposition by moving against dissidents within his own Cabinet. Minister of Justice Yusril Ihza Mahendra was removed for making public his demands for the President's resignation while Minister of Forestry Nurmahmudi Ismail was also removed under the suspicion of chanelling his department's funds to Wahid's opposition. In response to this, Megawati began to distance herself and did not show up for the inauguration of the Ministers' replacement. On 30 April, the DPR issued a second memorandum and on the next day called for an MPR Special Session to be held on 1 August.

By July, Wahid grew desperate and ordered Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security to declare a State of Emergency. Yudhoyono refused and Wahid removed him from his position. Finally on 20 July, Amien declared that the MPR Special Session will be brought forward to 23 July. TNI, having had a bad relationship with Wahid through his tenure as President, stationed 40,000 troops in Jakarta and placed tanks with their turrets pointing at the Presidential Palace in a show of force [47]. On 23 July, the MPR unanimously voted to impeach Wahid and to replace him with Megawati as President. Wahid continued to insist that he was the President and stayed for some days in the Presidential Palace, but eventually left the residence on 25 July for a trip overseas to the United States for health treatments.
[edit] Post Presidency activities
[edit] Schism within the PKB

After his impeachment, Wahid turned his eyes to Matori Abdul Djalil, who was the Chairman of PKB. Before the MPR Special Session, it was agreed upon that no PKB members would attend as a sign of solidarity. However, Matori insisted on attending because he was a Vice-Chairman of the MPR and participated in the impeachment process. Using his position as Chairman of the Advisory Council, Wahid sacked Matori as Chairman of PKB on 15 August 2001 and suspended him from Party activities before stripping Matori of Party membership in November [48]. On 14 January 2002, Matori held a Special National Congress attended by his supporters in PKB. The Special National Congress re-elected him to the position of PKB Chairman. Wahid countered this by holding his own PKB National Congress on 17 January, a day after Matori's Congress ended [49] The National Congress re-elected Wahid to the position of Chairman of the Advisory Council and elected Alwi Shihab as its Chairman. Wahid's PKB would be known as PKB Kuningan whilst Matori's PKB would be known as PKB Batutulis.
[edit] 2004 Legislative and Presidential elections

In April 2004, PKB participated in the 2004 Legislative Elections, winning 10.6% of the votes. For the 2004 Presidential Elections, in which the people will directly elect the President, PKB nominated Wahid as a Presidential Candidate. As a Presidential Candidate was required Wahid to go on a medical check-up before he is officially enlisted by the General Elections Commission (KPU) as a Presidential candidate. While other candidates such as Yudhoyono and Wiranto passed their respective tests, Wahid failed to do so and KPU refused to enlist him as a Presidential Candidate. Wahid then threw his support behind his brother, Solahuddin, who was the running mate of Wiranto. On 5 July 2004, Wiranto and Solahuddin were knocked out of the race after coming third to the pairs of Yudhoyono-Kalla and Megawati-Muzadi. For the run-off elections, held on 20 September 2004, Wahid declared himself as part of White Group (Golput) which meant that he will not be using his right to vote.
[edit] Opposition to Yudhoyono Government

In August 2005, Wahid became one of the leaders of a political coalition called the United Awakened Archipelago (Koalisi Nusantara Bangkit Bersatu). Along with Try Sutrisno, Wiranto, Akbar Tanjung, and Megawati, this coalition criticized the policies of the Yudhoyono Government, specifically about the withdrawal of fuel subsidies which will bring the prices of fuel up.
[edit] Other activities

Gus Dur is the inspiration behind the Wahid Institute, a Jakarta-based nonprofit organization led by his daughter Yenni Wahid. He also serves as patron, member of the board of directors and senior advisor to LibForAll ("Liberty for All") Foundation, whose mission is to reduce religious extremism and discredit terrorism worldwide. Among numerous other writings, he is the author of a seminal article published in the Wall Street Journal on December 30, 2005 ("Right Islam vs. Wrong Islam") [50] in which he called on "people of good will of every faith and nation" to unite to defeat the ideology of religious hatred that underlies and animates terrorism. Wahid discussed his suspicions regarding the involvement of the Indonesian government and the TNI (Indonesia's armed forces) in the terrorist bombings on Bali, in an interview in the documentary Inside Indonesia's War on Terrorism which as aired by SBS Dateline on October 12, 2005.

In September 2006, Wahid said that he was ready to contest the 2009 Presidential Election [51] He confirmed this in March 2008, at a rally of his National Awakening Party (PKB) in Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan.[52] Gus Dur and Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, former Justice of the US Supreme Court stated their concerns about recent developments in Malaysia that seem aimed at defaming opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim and threatening him with imprisonment in a manner which is reminiscent of the campaign to defame him in 1998. They stated there are plausible motives for some to manufacture a false case against him. They also mentioned that Anwar last year brought evidence to a royal commission that enabled it to conclude that there had been improper influence exerted on judicial appointments and more recently he brought forward evidence against the current attorney-general and the current inspector-general of police for the perversion of justice in his own prosecution in 1998-99.[53]
[edit] Religious views

Wahid said:

All religions insist on peace. From this we might think that the religious struggle for peace is simple ... but it is not. The deep problem is that people use religion wrongly in pursuit of victory and triumph. This sad fact then leads to conflict with people who have different beliefs.[54]

In a 2002 interview with Foreign Correspondent, Wahid explained his respect for Israel and posed a challenging "correction" to be addressed by his fellow Muslims:

Israel believes in God. While we have a diplomatic relationship and recognising diplomatically China and Russia, which are atheist states, then it’s strange that we don’t acknowledge Israel. This is the thing that we have to correct within Islam. [55]

[edit] Personal life

Wahid is married to Sinta Nuriyah and has four daughters: Alissa Qotrunnada, Zannuba Ariffah Chafsoh (Yenny), Anita Hayatunnufus, and Inayah Wulandari.